THE BOOK WAS DRENCHED _ co >- Q: 00 _ 68385 KAMBUJA-DESA OR AN ANCIENT HINDU COLONY IN CAMBODIA Sir William Meyer Lectures 1942-43 BY R. C MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D., F.R.A.S.B. UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS 1944 iv PREFACE deliver these lectures an invitation, which I consider to be a high distinction and a great privilege. I would also like to offer cordial thanks to my esteemed friend Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri M.A., who presided over these lectures, and whose company and hospitality I enjoyed in ample measure during my stay at Madras, 4 BEPIN PAL ROAD KALIGHAT, CALCUTTA, V R. C. MAJUMDAR. MAY 8, 1943. ABBREVIATIONS. 1. AymonierLe Cambodge by E. Aymonier, 3 Vols. Paris, 1900-1903. 2. BCAI.nBulletin de la Commission Archeologique de Flndo-chine. 3. BEFEO.=iBulletin de 1'Ecole Franchise d 4 Extreme-Orient. 4. Champa Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East, Vol. I, Champa by Dr. R. C. Majumdar, (Lahore, 1927). 5. Chatterji=Indian Influence in Cambodia (Calcutta University, 1928)- 6. Corpus=Inscriptions Sanscrites du Cambodge by M. Barth and A, Bergaigne (Paris, 1885). 7. Et. As.=Etudes Asiatiques (Hanoi, 1925), 8. Ferrand-Textes=Relations de voyages et Textes Geographiques Arabs, Persans et Turks relatifs a I'Extreme Orient by G. Ferrand (Paris, 1913-14). 9. Inscriptions=Inscriptions du Cambodge by G. Coedes (Hanoi, 1937), 10. Maspero=L'Empire Khmer by G. Maspero (Phnom Penh, 1904). 11. Suvamadv!pa=:Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East, Vol. II, Suvarnadvipa, (Part I, Political History, Part II, Cultural History) by Dr. R. C, Majumdar (Dacca, 1937). CONTENTS LECTURE PAGE I. THE BEGINNINGS OF INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA, 1 II. THE KINGDOM OP FU-NAN , , 25 III. THE RISE OF KAMBUJADESA . . 45 IV. THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE KAMBUJA KINGDOM . . 67 V. THE RISE OF ANGKOR , . 91 VI. THE KAMBUJA EMPIRE . . 115 LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS . . 143 INDEX .. 163 LECTURE I THE BEGINNINGS OF INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA. I propose to review, in a course of six lectures, the history of the Indian colony of Kambuja-desa 1 (modern Cambodia) and some aspects of the civilisation that the Hindus, using this term in its broadest sense, had introduced in this distant land. I shall try to describe how the small isolated Hindu kingdoms in different parts of Cambodia were welded into a mighty kingdom that stretched from the Bay of Bengal to the sea of China, how the essential spirit of Hindu culture was transplanted to this distant corner of Asia, how the Hindu religion inspired it to build monuments whose massive grandeur still excites the wonder of the world and far surpasses anything known so far in India, how art and institutions, created on Indian models, grew and developed a unique character, how this mighty colonial kingdom flourished for more than a thousand years fed by constant streams of civilisation flowing from the motherland, and at last met with inevitable decline when this peren- nial source itself decayed and ceased to flow. The treatment of the subject will necessarily be of a general character, as minute discussions of controversial points will be out of place in a public lecture. But I shall try to bring together the most reliable data available on the subject, and when these series of lectures will be published in the form of a book, add notes to explain the different view-points and the source and authority of my statements. Two considerations have induced me to follow this method. In the first place I wish to awaken the general interest in a subject which is at present but little known. For although the history of Greater India constitutes an important and brilliant chapter of the History of India, it has not yet appealed to the general public, and even to professed students of Indian history to any considerable extent. Secondly, I wish to emphasise the broad features of the history and civilisation of Kambuja in order that a solid foundation may be 1. The term Kambuja-desa, or simply Kambuja has been used to indi- cate the ancient Hindu colonial kingdom, in the modern French Protectorate of Cambodia, 2 KAMBUJA-DESA laid for further detailed studies on the subject. It may be noted that there is at present no text which gives a critical review of the history of Kambuja as a whole, in the light of modern researches on the subject. 2 It is necessary for a comprehensive study of the subject to prepare a skeleton to which flesh and bone may be added later. The absence of such a skeleton hampers the efforts to study the subject in detail by utilising the abundant data pouring in every year from the archaeological researches of the French savants. Such a study will be facilitated by the establishment of a solid framework which it will be my endeavour to reconstruct in course of these lectures. Although the history of Hindu colonisation in Cambodia is the principal subject of this course of lectures, it is necessary, in order to view it in its true perspective, to make a broad survey of the state of Indo-China at the moment when the Hindus first came into contact with it. This is particularly important, for, as we shall see later, the Kambuja empire in its greatest extent embraced nearly the whole of this region with the exception of Upper Burma and Tonkin. The Hindu culture and colonisation in this vast region must be viewed on the background of the land and the peoples in 2. The following texts deal with the general history of Kambuja. 1. M. Aymonier Le Cambodge, 3 Vols. The main work is devoted to a description of the different localities in Siam and Cambodia with notices of the monuments and inscriptions. The concluding volume, published in 1904, gives a brief outline of the political history. 2. G. Maspero L'Empire Khmer (1904). This is the first systematic treatment of the political history of Kambuja. But it is only a very brief sketch, the ancient period being comprised in 27 pages. 3. A. Leclere Histoire du Cambodge A comprehensive history of the country from the earliest to modern times. (1914) . 4. Etienne Aymonier Histoire de Vancien Cambodge (1918) . It is a popular treatment of the subject, and was originally published in a Paris newspaper. It gives no authority for the statements made. 5. Dr. B. R. Chatterji -Indian Cultural Influence in Cambodia (1928). The only scholarly work, in English, on the subject. It treats the political history and different aspects of culture of Kambuja. It will be seen that none of the texts is later than 1928, the year memorable for the new theory of P. Stern about the evolution of the art of Kambuja, which has practically revolutionised our conception of the history and progress of Kambuja culture. A number of new inscriptions discovered since 1928 have also pro- foundly modified our views about the political history of INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA & and amid which they flourished. We would, therefore, begin with a short account of these two, emphasising particularly those features which throw light on, or help the study of, subsequent history. The great Indo-Chinese Peninsula covers the whole of the main- land of Asia to the east of India and south of China. Shut off by the high chains of hills from the continent on the north, it has easy means of communication, by sea and land, with both India and China. Large and broad at the north it gradually narrows as it advances to the south, ending in a long strip of land known as the Malay Peninsula. * In addition to this, it covers the region now known as Burma, Siam, Laos, Cambodia, Tonkin, Annam and Cochin-China. The last four form a French Protectorate, while Laos is divided between this Government and Siam. The region, distinctly marked off from the rest of Asia, has no physical unity like its neighbour, India or China. Situated bet- ween two oceanic systems, the Bay of Bengal and the China Sea, it has a large coast-line with numerous harbours facilitating contact between one another and with the outside world. The interior is, however, mostly difficult of access, being intersected by long spurs of hills into a number of small plateaus and valleys without easy means of inter-communication. The most characteristic physical feature of the Peninsula is a series of parallel ranges of hills running generally north to south throwing spurs in all directions, with a large river, also running north to south, enclosed between each pair of hills forming so many water-sheds. On the extreme east and west we have two great ranges running along the whole coast line and separated from the sea by a narrow strip of plains. One start- ing from the south of China constitutes the Annamite Hills, and the other from Assam and Manipur passes through Arakan, Tenasserim and Malay Peninsula. The other parallel ranges form the water- sheds between the rivers Irawaddy (with its branch Chindwin) , the Sittang and the Salween in Burma, the Mekong and the Menam in the Central region, and the Red River in Tonkin. These rivers, carrying silt from the uplands, formed the deltas which constituted rich alluvial fertile plains of smaller or bigger size, according to varied physical conditions of the country. These deltas on the sea- coast formed a striking contrast to the hills and dales of the interior, and formed, along with the narrow strips of land in Annam and Malay Peninsula between the hill-range and the sea, the strong centres of Hindu colonisation in the Peninsula. With the exception Df Upper Burma which had direct access from India by land, these deltas formed the main strongholds of Hindu culture, and the bases 4 KAMBUJA-D&A from which it radiated, principally along the river valleys, towards the interior. It is, therefore, not a mere accident that the most im- portant Hindu colonial kingdoms were founded, and the Hindu culture and civilisation exercised an abiding influence, mainly in these regions, whereas the Hindu influence in the interior was comparatively slow, less profound and of shorter duration. The people who inhabited the Indo-Chinese Peninsula at the time when the Hindus first came into contact with it belonged to different races and spoke a number of tongues. Without attempt- ing to be too precise and scientific from 'ethnological and linguistic points of view, which would require a separate treatment with lengthy elaboration of details, beyond the scope of the present re- view, I may refer to some of the main classifications which are generally agreed to by the scholars. First we come across two groups of people, known as Tibeto- Burmans and Mon-Khmers, who are generally believed to have migrated from India in pre-historic times, and in any case certainly show greatest resemblance in physical features and linguistic forms with some non-Aryan tribes in India still living in hilly regions remote from centres of civilisation. The Tibeto-Burmans consisted of a large number of Mongoloid tribes, and those who peopled Upper Burma show the greatest resemblance to the Abor and Mishmi tribes in Eastern India. The designation Mon-Khmer, applied to a group of peoples, is derived from the names of its two principal tribes viz., the Mons and the Khmers. Their languages belong to the same family as those of the Munda and Khasi tribes in India, and the Semang and Sakai of the Malay Peninsula. The name Austro-Asiatic is now applied to this group of languages, and it is believed that the tribes speaking them, at least the Mons and Khmers, originally lived in India, and came to Indo-China when they were pressed by invading Aryans. The Mons settled in Lower Burma and proceeded thence, along the valley of the Menam, to the interior of Siam proper. The Khmers peopled Cambodia and moving towards the west met their kinsmen, the Mons, in Siam. Their mutual relations would be re- ferred to later. Two other important groups were the Chams, who lived in what is now called Annam, but was known formerly as Champa, and the Malays who settled in the Peninsula, now known after them. These two belonged to the large group which constitutes today the predominant element of the population in Sumatra, Java, INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA 5 Bali and other islands of the Indian Archipelago or Indonesia. It was recognised long ago that the languages of the Chams and Malays belong to the same family as that of Polynesia, and the name Malayo-Polynesian was at first applied to this group. Since then, however, Melanesian, Polynesian, Micronesian and Indonesian (or Malay) languages have all been proved to belong to the same family to which the new name Austronesian has been applied. So far we are on sure grounds. But there is a theory which, though not generally accepted, cannot be omitted in the present review, as it concerns the general question of Indian colonisation in the Far East, and puts its history in an altogether different light. Tpie great German scholar Schmidt who first established the exis- tence of the linguistic family called Austro-Asiatic, referred to above, has proposed further to connect with it also the Austronesian and establish a larger linguistic unity which he calls Austric. He also indicates the possibility of an ethnic unity among the peoples whose linguistic unity is thus assumed. In other words, Schmidt regards the peoples of Indo-China and Indonesia such as the Mons, Khmers, Chams and the Malays as belonging to the same race as the Munda and allied tribes of Central India and the Khasis of North-eastern India. He regards India as the original home of all these peoples who, starting from India towards the east, at first spread themselves over the whole length of the Indo-Chinese Peninsula and then over all the islands of the Pacific Ocean up to its eastern extre- mity. This theory, we must remember, has not yet found general acceptance among scholars, but we must not lose sight of the possi- bility that the Aryanised India, in establishing colonies in the Far East, was merely repeating or continuing the work which had been inaugurated long long ago by many other peoples inhabiting the same land before the advent of the Aryans. 3 While the coastal regions of Indo-China were thus peopled by races whose language bears a strong affinity with that of non- Aryan peoples of India, and all or most of whom had probably migrated from India in pre-historic ages, the interior of the Indo-Chinese Peninsula was dominated, at the beginning of the Christian Era, by groups of peoples who belonged to the Thai race. 4 This race is now well-known from its most important settlement in Siam, which has recently changed its name to Thailand. The Siamese have put a 3. Tliis topic has been fully treated in my work 'Suvaiiiadvipa', Part I, pp. 11 ff . 4. For an account of the Thais cf. T'oung Pao, 1897, p. 53; 1909, p, 495. 6 KAMBUJA-DE&A new interpretation on the word Thai, meaning free, an invention designed to emphasise the liberation of their country from the yoke of Kambuja in the thirteenth century A.D. The Thailand, however, etymologically means, not the "Land of the Free" as the Siamese would have us believe, but the land of the Thai tribe. For this name Thai has been regularly used, centuries before the indepen- dence of Siam, by various other branches of the tribe who had numerous settlements in the uplands of Indo-China. As the Thais are so far little known in this country, but intimately bound up with the history of Kambuja and the expansion of Hindu culture in Indo-China, I shall set forth briefly their origin, and later discuss their history, so far as it has been ascertained on reliable evidence. The Thais are a Mongolian tribe and are generally believed to be ethnically related to the Chinese. In any case, they, or at least a large group or groups of them, lived in southern and south-eastern part of the country now known as China. About three centuries before the Christian era, or probably somewhat earlier, the Thais in large groups migrated to the south and south-west. Two of their early settlements were in the regions which we call today Tonkin and Yunnan. During the early centuries of the Christian era a steady stream of the Thais proceeded towards the west and south- west and set up numerous other principalities. The dates and gradual stages of their advance cannot be fixed with certainty, but by the 8th or 9th century A.D. they had advanced as far as the Upper Irawaddy and Salween rivers in the west, and the fron- tiers of Siam and Cambodia in the south. Thus when the Hindu colonists first came into contact with Indo-China, about the beginning of the Christian Era, or probably somewhat earlier, they found there peoples of diverse races in the primitive state of civilisation, Every- thing indicates that the Hindus came by land-routes to upper Burma but, for the rest, they mainly followed the sea-route. For we find that the Mons, the Khmers, the Malays and the Chams were profoundly influenced by these colonists and strong Hinduised kingdoms were founded in their lands all along the sea-coast. Thus, beginning from the west, we find the Hinduised Mon kingdoms of Dhanyavati, Basim, Ramavati, Hamsavatl and Suvarnabhumi (or Sudhammavati) on the western and southern coasts of Lower Burma corresponding respectively to Arakan, Bassein, Rangoon, Pegu and Thaton. Further south, beyond Dvaravati in Siam and a number of small kingdoms in the Malay Peninsula were INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA 7 the Hinduised Khmer kingdom of Kambuja in Cambodia and Cham kingdom of Champa in Southern Annam. All these kingdoms bore a strong impress of Hinduism in all aspects of their culture and civilisation. Thus excepting Tonkin, which came early under the Chinese influence, the rest of the coastal regions, and particularly the delta of the Irawaddy, Salween, Menam and Mekong rivers were seats of powerful Hindu kingdoms. As regards the interior of Indo-China, the Indian colonists seem to have settled in large number in Upper Burma, and the Hinduised Tibeto-Burmans founded important principalities there. This region came early under the influence of Indian culture which has still a complete hold of the people. From eleventh century onwards the Hinduised Tibeto-Burmans established their political authority over the Hinduised Mon kingdoms of the coastal regions of Burma, and ultimately the two peoples and cultures were fused together, though the Mons, or Talaings, the name by which they are better known, still form a distinct element in south-eastern parts of the land. The Hinduised Mons, before they were merged into the Tibeto-Burmans, spread their cultural influence along the coast of Bay of Bengal throughout the Tenasserim region, and down the valley of the Menam river and its tributaries up to the very heart of modern Siam. There they met with the Hinduised Khmers who had established their influence in the lower valley of the Menam. The contact between the Hinduised Mons and Khmers. and the gradual expansion of the latter towards the north at the expense of the Mons and the Thais will be described in course of the discussion on Kambuja. The Thais, as already noted, peopled nearly the whole of the uplands of Indo-China to the east of Burma and north of Siam and Cambodia. The region was full of moun- tain ranges and dense forests, interspersed with valleys, and the rivers which flowed through them were not navigable on account of torrents and rapids. The history of Indian colonisation in this region and the extent to which it was influenced by the Hindu culture and civilisation are but imperfectly known to us, and this is partly due to the comparative inaccessibility of a large part of this region to modern explorers. But although we are not in a position to give a detailed and systematic account of the Hindu colonisation in this area, some broad facts may be stated indicating its general nature and extent, 8 KAMBUJA-0ESA The two most important Thai principalities in Indo-China were those in Yunnan and Tonkin. These were the farthest from India and nearest to China. It should be remembered that about the time when the Thais first settled in these regions the Chinese king- dom proper did not extend beyond the Yang-se-kiang river, but its rulers tried to extend their political authority over the Thais, whom they called barbarians, living in the south and south-west, It is unnecessary for our present purpose to describe the long-drawn struggle between the two, and it will suffice to say that the Thais in Yunnan, though occasionally defeated and subjugated for longer or shorter periods, never ceased to defy the authority of the Chinese, and ultimately established their independence. By the seventh century A.D. they Had freed themselves completely from Chinese control, and established a powerful kingdom which played an im- portant role in the history of Indo-China for more than six hundred years. The kingdom is generally, though not very correctly, desi- gnated as Nan-chao, but it is called Videha-rajya, and its capital is named Mithila, in the native chronicles. The history of Tonkin was more chequered. There the Annamites were subjugated to China for a long period, and it was not until the tenth century A.D. that they regained their independence and set up a very powerful kingdom which comprised not only Tonkin, but also the northern part of modern Annam. The Annamites undoubtedly formed a branch of the Thais though some are of opinion that they had a strong admixture of the Mon blood. 5 The Annamites are desig- nated as Yavanas in native chronicles, and adopted Buddhism. The effective political authority exercised by the Chinese over Tonkin for more than a thousand years resulted in the introduction of Chinese culture in Tonkin, and this is the only region in Indo- China whose civilisation may be said to have been definitely mould- ed by that people. Far different was the case with Yunnan. Although ethnically allied to the Chinese and living immediately on its border, the Thais in Yunnan seem to have been brought under the cultural influence of India, either directly by the Indian colonists or indirectly through the Hinduised states in Burma. In the absence of epigraphic records and other contemporary evidence it is difficult to give a precise or detailed account, but broad general indications are not wanting. The great French scholar Pelliot has brought together a number of isolated facts and traditions which BEFEO. XXI. pp. 260 ff., 274-75, INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA 9 seem to prove that the Hindu culture, which has left such a strong impress upon Upper Burma, also made its influence felt in Yunnan. Although it is generally believed, on the authority of Chavannes, that the Thais of Nan-chao were ignorant of writing, Pelliot has drawn attention to one or two inscriptions in unknown characters, which probably originated in Nan-chao. These characters appear to be of Hindu origin. It is characteristic of the Hinduised people of Indo-China, that they sought to create a new India by giving well-known Indian place-names to their towns and kingdoms. According to this practice we find the name Gandhara applied to a part of Yunnan. A part of it, as noted above, was also called Videha-rajya and its capital was named Mithila, the kingdom being sometimes referred to as Mithila-rastra. Local traditions affirm that Avalokitesvara came from India and converted the region to Buddhism. It is said that when, towards the close of the 8th cen- tury A.D., the ruler of this kingdom became enamoured of Chinese civilisation, seven religious teachers of India rebuked the king. In the first half of the ninth century A.D. a Hindu monk named Chandragupta, born in Magadha and therefore designated Magadha, led a brilliant career of a thaumaturgist in Yunnan. There was in Yunnan the famous Pippala cave, the Bodhi tree, the sacred hill Grdhrakuta and many other localities associated with Buddhism, A Chinese traveller of the tenth century A.D. refers to a local tradi- tion that Sakyamuni obtained the Bodhi near Lake Ta-H in Yunnan. The Buddhist influence in Yunnan is still attested by two bells of the llth century with inscriptions in Chinese and Sanskrit, The king of Nan-chao had the title Maharaja and also another Hindu title, which means the king of the east. According to local tradi- tion the royal family was descended from the great Asoka. Rasi- duddin, writing in the 13th century, not only calls the country Gandhara but asserts that its people originated from India and China. All these demonstrate that the Thais of Yunnan had imbibed Hindu culture and civilisation to a very large extent. 6 There were many other Thai States to the west and south of Yunnan, The Chinese refer to the Brahmana kingdom of Ta-tsin to the east of the mountain ranges that border Manipur and Assam, and another about 150 miles further east, beyond the Chindwin river. Whether these were mainly peopled by Hinduised Thai we 6. For Nan-chao cf. the detailed account of PelJiot in BEFEO. IV, pp. 152 ff, where other references are given, 2 10 KAMBUJA-DESA cannot say. But a group of Thai states, united in a sort of loose federation, which occupied the region between the Irawaddy and the Salween, was known as Kosambi, The southern part of this is now known as the Shan States, the Shan tribe being that branch of the Thais which proceeded farthest in the western direction. To the east of these were a series of small states extending from the frontier of Yunnan to those of Kambuja and Siam. These were, from north to South, Alavirastra, Khmerarastra, Suvarnagrama, Unmargasila, Yonakarastra, Haripunjaya and many others, whose internecine wars, and consequent changes in boundaries and some- times also in names, are recorded in the local chronicles, written in Pali, of which we possess quite a large number. These Pali chronicles give detailed accounts of the ruling dynasties and the religious foundations of the different local states. These cannot be regarded as historical annals in the sense in which we understand the term, but they leave no doubt that the mainspring of the civilisation of most of the Thai States lay in India and not in China. The evidence of the Pali chronicles is fully corroborated by the archaeological finds, for images of the Gupta style and those of somewhat later date have been found in these regions. It is a signi- ficant fact that these Thais, though ethnically belonging to the same race as the Chinese, and living nearer to them, should have been brought so profoundly under the influence of Hindu culture and civilisation rather than Chinese. 7 There is no need to feel surprised about the Indian influence in these regions of Indo-China. For we have definite evidence that as early as the second century B.C. there was regular communi- cation, by overland route, between East India and Yunnan. In the second century B.C. Chang-Kien, the famous Chinese ambassa- dor in Bactria, was surprised to find there Chinese silk and bamboo products which, he learnt on enquiry, came from Yunnrn and Sez- Chuan across the whole breadth of Northern India right up to Afghanistan and Bactria beyond the Hindukush. The two Indian Buddhist missionaries who visited China in the first century A.D. most probably passed through the upper valley of the Irawaddy and Yunnan. There are references also to the regular communi- cation between China and Western Asia, via Yunnan, Upper Burma and India in the second and third centuries A,D, I-tsing also refers 7. For an account of the Thai States in central Indo-China cf. Et. As, Vol. II, pp. 96 ff. INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA 11 to 20 Chinese pilgrims as having gone to India through Yunnan and upper Burma. The geographical memoir of Kia Tan, written between 785 and 805 A.D., describes two routes leading from Tonkin through Yunnan and Burma to India. That this route was well frequented in the tenth century A.D. is attested by the fact that the 300 religious missionaries sent by the Chinese Emperor to India in 964 A.D. in search of sacred texts returned by way of Yunnan. 8 The large scale raids of the Manipuris in Burma and of the Burmese in Manipur prove the use of these routes down to the middle of the eighteenth century A.D. Thus although the direct land-route from India to hinterland in Indo-China was comparatively little known and less used in very recent times, the case was different in ancient and medieval periods, and a constant stream of Indian emigrants passed through this route to spread Indian culture and civilisation in this region. Having thus made a broad survey of Indo-China we may now proceed to a more detailed discussion of Kambujadesa which forms the subject-matter of this course of lectures. This kingdom varied in its boundaries at different periods of its history and covered, at its greatest extent, the territories which correspond to Siam, Cambodia, Laos and Cochin-China and comprised the valleys of the Mekong and the Menam. The Kambujadesa proper corres- ponds to Cambodia and Cochin-China, comprising the lower valley of the Mekong river, south of the island of Khong and the range of hills known as Dangrek mountains. The valley of the Mekong comprises the whole of modern Cambodia with the exception of the three provinces of Kampot on the west and Svay Rieng and Thbong Khinum on the east. The last two are, however, watered by the two branches of the river Vaicos, which are joined to the Mekong across the vast marshy plains by innumerable canals, both natural and artificial, and may be regarded as its tributaries forming a common Delta in Indo- China. It has been suggested that the name of the river Me-kong is derived from Ma-Gahga, the mother Ganges. 9 Whatever we may 8. For an elaborate discussion of these routes with full reference to authorities cf. BEFEO. IV. pp. 131 ff. 9. The name Mekong or Mekhong is believed to be composed of two words, indigenous me meaning chief or mother, and kong, derived from Sans- krit Ganga. It would thus be equivalent to mother Ganges. (Leclere-Cam- bodgep. 2. f.n.i). 1$ KAMBUJA-DESA think of this, there is no doubt that this river played as important a role in the history of Kambuja as the Ganges did in the early history and civilisation of Northern India, The Mekong is to Cambodia what the Nile is to Egypt. It is its very life. Its banks supply the habitations of the people and its regular annual inundations fertilise the country. The region beyond the reach of the flood-water is almost an arid desert. From the point, below the rapid of Prah Patang, where the Mekong enters Cambodia, it is enlarged, and its bed is nearly doubled, by the large marshy depressions running parallel to its course, which have been mostly formed by the old beds of the river. It covers the country by its ramifications and is joined, near Phnom Penh, to the vast lake of Tonle Sap, about 60 miles to the north-west, by a wide sheet of water, full of islands. From this point of junction the river branches off into two wide streams, connected by numerous cross canals forming islands in the inter- vening region, till they both fall into the China Sea forming the rich delta of Cochin-China. When in June the sun rays melt the snow on the Tibetan plateau and the waters come rushing down the hill streams, the Mekong and its tributaries rapidly rise, cut through their steep banks by numerous sluices and overflow the whole region right up to the borders of the forest on the ' Highlands '. Then behind the steep river banks, marked by fruit trees, gardens and dwelling houses, one sees only a vast sheet of water submerging beneath it the lakes, the marshes and the plain. It is not till October that water recedes and the ground becomes dry enough for cultivation. The vast area of ' Lowlands ', annually inundated by the Me- kong, forms practically the whole of the inhabited area of Cambodia at the present day. In the region north of Phnom Penh, the people are settled mostly in groups along the bank of the Mekong and its tributaries, or on the borders of the Highlands. In the dry season they even temporarily settle in the outlying area for purposes of cultivation, but immediately after the harvest is over, they return to their homes on the river in time before it is flooded again. In the region south of Phnom Penh the habited area is not so strictly confined to the riwr-banks. There the people also spread here and there, wherever there are high lands fit for culti- vation. This region abounds in palm-trees, and viewed from the Id temPle 10 kS Hke a ^ Palm - f rest dotted b INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA 13 In this region of annual inundation called 'Lowlands', the dis- covery of archaeological ruins proves that the modern settlements closely correspond to those of old times. Only it appears that in the northern part, the modern inhabited area has extended a little beyond the old, whereas the case is just the reverse in the south (e.g. the province of Ba Phnom). It will be shown later that it was precisely in the 'Lowlands', and rather to its southern part, that we can trace the earliest habita- tion and political and cultural development in Cambodia. Obviously, the earliest Hindu colonists chose the region where conditions of livelihood were the easiest. The large number of simple brick monuments found in this region were probably constructed by the first settlers before the sixth century A.D. In that case we must hold that the lower valley of the Prek Tonot, the districts of Bati and Prei Krebas and part of the district of Treang must have been densely peopled in old days, for the remains of the brick temples are particularly numerous in this area. Most of the modern temples cover the sites of these ancient ones and many of the mounds, covered with vegetation, which emerge above the rice fields in the valley of the Prek Tenot hide the ruins of these ancient temples. The region to the north and west of the 'Lowlands', beyond the reach of the flood, may be ^ 'Highlands', although its mean height is not very much above the sea-level. It extends up to the Dangrek mountains in the north and the hill-ranges of Phnom Kravanh and Sang Re to the west. The low grounds of this region are full of muddy depressions covered with high thick grass, while the higher part is an arid limitless forest. The tropical dense forest of tall beautiful trees, with a rich and varied flora and bushy soil, is few and far between. The greater part of it is covered by a reddish gravel stone, without moss and almost bereft of grass, interspersed with vast areas covered with naked sand- stone, offering for days a monotonous sight to the eyes of the wearied traveller. The rivers in this area are dry for the greater part of the year and are full to the brim in the rainy season. The whole of this region now lies deserted and uncultivated. One may travel for days together without coming across the least sign of human beings. Only the deers, buffaloes and wild ele- phants roam undisturbed across these arid fields. A few miserable hamlets may be seen here and there at the foot of the hills near the springs where the descendants of the primitive wild tribes still maintain a precarious existence. Otherwise death-like solitude 14 KAMBUJA-DESA reigns supreme where once stately building! stood and a mighty empire and civilisation grew. For it is this area which comprises in its southern part the whole of the Angkor region where the Hinduised Kambuja civilisation reached its high-water mark of development and reared magnificent temples and big populous cities with strongly fortified walls and gates, grand palaces, tanks, parks, and secular structures of all kinds. Human effort and in- genuity, after a hard struggle with nature, converted this region into a flourishing centre of civilisation, by building roads, canals, tanks, bridges and dams. So long as the streams of Hindu colo- nists continued to flow and infused vigour and energy into the populace, this region continued to flourish, But as soon as they were dried up, the people reverted to their old lethargy. Nature triumphed, and once more the region relapsed to its old primaeval condition. But still the handiwork of man did not altogether perish. Gigantic temples and ruins of mighty cities and palaces have sur- vived the destructive forces of nature and still tell the tale of a bygone age to awestruck travellers in this wild forest. So far about the land. We may now pass on to its inhabitants. The earliest people who are known to have inhabited the region we have just described were the ancestors of the Khmers who still form the predominant element of the people of Cambodia. The modern name Khmer was used in ancient times also both by the people themselves as well as by the foreigners, along with the name of Kambuja, of whose origin we shall speak later. The name Khmer appears as Kvir and Kmir in the old inscriptions of Champa (Annam) and as Comar in the writings of the Arabs, The use of this name Comar by the Arabs has been a source of considerable confusion, as early writers have identified it sometimes with Cape Comorin and sometimes with Kamarupa (Assam). Us identity v with Khmer country or Cambodia is now well established. 10 It is v>ery likely that the country was originally inhabited by savage hill tribes whom the Khmers conquered and forced to take shelter in hills and jungles. Of this there is no definite evidence. But to the north of Cambodia, beyond the Dangrek mountain, lived the Laotians after whom the country is still called Laos. They be- longed to the Lao race and were mostly savage hill tribes, and still retain most of their primitive characteristics. Their settlements 10. Sometimes the Arab writers themselves seem to confuse Kamarftpa with Comar. INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA 15 extended up to the outer fringe of the Hindu colonies but they generally kept aloof and though influenced by the Hindu colonists never attained to any high degree of culture and civilisation. As already noted above, the Mons, who inhabited the lower valleys of the Irawaddy and the Salween in Burma, extended fur- ther south, and formed along with the Laos and Khmers the primitive population of modem Siam. Throughout the course of history a distinction is noticeable between this heterogeneous Mon-Khmer people of Siam ?nd the pure Khmers of Cambodia. The Mon-Khmers were intolerant of the political suzerainty of the Khmers and always regarded themselves as a rival power. The Khmers and Mons thus constituted the principal elements of population in the country which constituted the Hindu kingdom of Kambuja. At the time the Hindu colonists first settled there these people were in an almost semi-savage condition. According to the Chinese accounts the people, both men and women, went about naked, and decorated themselves with tattoo marks. The Chinese expressly state that it was the first Indian ruler who made the women wear clothes. What attracted the Indians first towards Cambodia it is diffi- cult to say. Perhaps it was merely a stage in the course of exten- sive colonial enterprises which marked the Indians during the early centuries of the Christian Era. The general question of the Indian colonisation in the Far East has been discussed by me elsewhere 11 and need not be repeated here. It will suffice to say that trade, missionary spirit and military adventures all contributed towards it, and the Indians advanced towards Indo-China both by sea and land-routes. Reference has been mc'de above to the establishment of Indian colonies not only in Upper Burma but also in the hilly regions in the upper valleys of the Irawaddy, the Salween and the Mekong rivers, and we have seen how the Indians advanced further south along these rivers and established colonies and states in the hinter-zone of Indo-China. Whether they advanced in this way as far as Cambodia proper along the banks of either the Menam or the Mekong rivers, we cannot definitely say. But we may re- call in this connection a passage in Hiuen Tsang's Travels the full significance of which is not often realised. After finishing the des- cription of Samatata which corresponds 1'oughly to Southern and 11 . Champa Introduction, 16 KAMBUJA-DE&A Eastern Bengal the pilgrim remarks: "Going north-east from this to the borders of the ocean we come to the kingdom of Shi-li-cha-ta- lo (Srikshetra) ", and he names in succession five other kingdoms which were not visited by him, but of which he gained information at Samatata. All these kingdoms have not been satisfactorily iden- tified, but two of them I-shang-na-pu-lo or Isanapura and Mo-ha~ chan-po or Mahachampa undoubtedly correspond to Cambodia and Annam. 12 It is a legitimate inference from the statement of Hiuen Tsang, and particularly the context in which it is made, that there was a regular intercourse by land between E. India and these remote regions before the seventh century A.D. The reference to Isanapura, is specially significant, for the Kambuja king Isanavarman, after whom it was named, ruled in the second and third de- cades of the seventh century A.D., and was thus almost a contem- porary of Hiuen Tsang. That his name was known in E. India before 638 A.D. when the Chinese pilgrim visited it, certainly shows that Indians had a fairly regular communication with Cam- bodia. The intercourse between Cambodia and Burma is also re- ferred to in the early annals. Recent political events have reawak- ened our interest in the Burma-India land route, but, as already noted above, it seems to have been fairly well-known and regularly used more than a thousand years ago. The Burmese annals prove that throughout the medieval period Burma had regular intercourse through land with E. India on the one hand and Siam, Cambodia and Annam on the other. There is thus no inherent difficulty in presuming a connection between E. India and Cambodia by over- land route. Indeed one scholar seems to have been so much con- vinced of the facility of this route that he seriously suggested that the Kambuja dynasty which temporarily occupied Northern, and Western Bengal in the tenth century A.D. came from Cambodia. 13 Whatever we ftiay think of a possible land-route to Cambodia, there can be no doubt that there was communication by sea from very early times. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea proves that at least as early as the first century A.D., ships from Indian ports regularly sailed to Malay Peninsula, and there are indications that the sea-route to China via Straits of Malacca was also in use, 12. Beal, II, 199-200; Walters, H, 187-189. For the identifications cf. JRAS. 1929 pp. 1,447. Hindusthan Review, July, 1924. JHQ. II, p. 250; IV, p. 169; Ind. Ant. LVIII, p. 57; LV; p. 113. 13. Chatterji, p. 279, INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA 17 Ptolemy's accounts indicate further progress of this maritime inter- course as he refers to various Indian place-names in Indo-China, Malay Peninsula and the islands of the Indian archipelago. One of the Chinese chronicles, the History of the Liang dynasty, com- piled during the first half of the seventh century A.D., explicitly refers to Indian ambassadors coming by the Southern Sea to China during the period 147-167 A.D. 14 As the vessels in those days kept close to the coast as far as possible, Southern Cambodia must have furnished one or more important halting stations in the distant voyage between India and China. We must, therefore, presume lhat the Indian mariners possessed a knowledge of Cambodia at the beginning of the Christian era, if not earlier still. As a matter of fact the Chinese chronicles make definite references to maritime intercourse between India and Cambodia in the third century A.D. As we shall see later, according to local traditions preserved in a Chinese chronicle of the third century A.D. the first Hindu kingdom was founded in Southern Cambodia in the first century A.D. This date cannot in any case be very wide of the mark. The beginnings of Indian colonies in Cambodia, like those in other parts of Indo-China, are lost in oblivion, but are echoed in local legends and traditions. These legends and traditions cannot, of course, be regarded as true chronicles of events, but they possess historical importance inasmuch as they have preserved the popular beliefs about the foundation of Hindu civilisation, and indicate in a general way the process of Hindu colonisation of these lands. The two most important kingdoms in Cambodia in the earliest period were Fu-nan and Kambuja. Both of these had their own local legends about the beginning of Hindu colonisation. The legend current in Fu-nan as recorded by K'ang Tai in the middle of the third century A.D. runs as follows: "The sovereign of Fu-nan was originally a female called Lieu-ye. There was a person called Huen-chen of Mo-fu. He was a staunch devotee of a Brahmanical god who was pleased with his piety. He dreamt that the god gave him a divine bow and asked him to take to sea in a trading vessel. In the morning he went to the temple of the god and found a bow. Then he embarked on a trading vessel and the god changed the course of wind in such a that he came to Fu-nan. Lieu-ye came in a boat to plunder 14. BEFEO. HI, pp, 271-72. 3 18 KAMBUJA-DESA the vessel Huen-chen raised his bow and shot an arrow which pierced through the queen's boat from one side to the other. The queen was overtaken by fear and submitted to him. Thereupon Huen-chen ruled over the country". 15 The same story is repeated in later Chinese texts, 16 in some cases with additional details, such as the marriage between Huen- chen and Lieu-ye. The names of the king and queen are variously written as Huen-huei or Huen-tien and Ye-lieu. Huen-tien and Lieu-ye may be accepted as the correct forms. Huen-tien and the other variant forms represent the Indian name Kaundinya. Lieu-ye probably means "Leaf of Willow". In an inscription in the neighbouring kingdom of Champa dated 657 A.D. we find an echo of the same story. Referring to the foundation of Bhavapura, the capital of Kambuja, it says: 17 "It was there that Kaundinya, the foremost among Brahmanas, planted the spear which he had obtained from Drona's son Asvat- thama the best of Brahmanas. There was a daughter of the king of serpents, called Soma, who founded a family in this world. Having attained, through love, to a radically different element, she lived in the habitations of man. She was taken as wife by the excellent Brahmana Kaundinya for the sake of (accomplishing) certain work. Verily, incompre- hensible is the way of God in providing conditions leading to future events. (King Bhavavarman) who, being born in that pure unbroken line of kings, is, even to-day, the pride of his subjects by his unblamable (conduct)". We may compare this legend with the following account pre- served in the Cambodian Annals about the origin of the kingdom of Cambodia 18 : "Adityavamsa, king of Indraprastha, was displeased with one of his sons and banished him from the state. He came to the country 15. Et As, II, pp. 244 ff. Pelliot discusses in this connection the location of Mo-fu, the original home of Huen-chen, but is unable to come to any definite conclusion. 16. BEFEO. III. pp. 254, 256, 265. 17. Champa, Book IH, p. 23. 18. Champa, p. XVHI, INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA 19 of Kok Thlok and made himself master of it by defeating the native king. One evening he was walking on a sand bank when suddenly the tide arose and obliged him to pass the night there. A Nagl of marvellous beauty came to play on the sand and the king, over- powered by her charm, agreed tc marry her. Then the Nagaraja, the father of the betrothed girl, extended the dominions of his would be son-in-law by drinking the water which covered the coun- try, built a capital for him and changed the name of the kingdom into that of Kamboja". A somewhat different version is preserved about the origin of Kambujadesa, in later Annals. In the dim past, so runs the story, Cambodia was a desert of sand and rocks. One day Kambu Svayarnbhuva, the king of Arya- desa, found himself in this dreary landscape. The death of his wife Hera, whom the great god Siva himself gave to him, made him dis- consolate and he left his country "in. order to die in the wildest desert 1 ' he could find. Having reached Cambodia he entered into a cave. To his horror Kambu found himself in Ihe midst of a large number of huge, many-headed snakes, whose piercing eyes were turned towards him. Kambu, however, boldly unsheathed his sword and advanced towards the biggest snake. To the utter amazement of Kambu the snake spoke in a human voice and asked his where- abouts. On hearing Kambu's story the serpent said: "Your name is unknown to me, stranger, but you spoke of Siva, and Siva is my king, as I am the king of the Nagas, the great snakes. You seem to be courageous too; therefore abide with us in this land you have chosen and end your grief." Kambu remained and came to like the Nagas who could take human shape. Several years later he married the Naga king's daughter. The king of the Nagas possess- ed magic power and turned the arid land into a beautiful country like that of Aryadesa. Kambu ruled over the IShd and the kingdom came to be called after him 'Kambuja'. This mythical legend is briefly referred to in the Bakesei Cankrom Ins. dated 947 A.D., where the Kambuja kings are said to have been descended from the great sage Kambu Svayarnbhuva, to whom Hara gave as wife Mera the most glorious of Apsaras. It is interesting to note that both the mythical traditions noted above were current among the Pallavas who ruled in South India in the early centuries of the Christian Era. Thus some records describe Skandasisya, the progenitor of the Pallavas, as the son of Asvatthama (son of Drona) by a Naga woman. Other records 20 KAMBUJA-DESA refer to VIrakurcha, the predecessor of Skandasisya, as having married a Nagi and obtained from her the insignia of royalty. Manimekhalai and three other Tamil texts also mention the marri- age of a Chola king and a Nagi and their son as the Pallava king of Kaiichl The basic factor in all these traditions viz., the origin of a royal dynasty from the marriage of an Indian prince with a Naga woman, is thus similar to the traditions current in Fu-nan, and what is more striking, the mythical Asvatthama is associated, though in different role, in both cases. The tradition may, however, be carried still further back. For Herodotus records a similar story about the progenitor of the Scythians. Heracles, we are told, met in Scythia a strange creature, the upper part of whose body was that of a woman but the lower part that of a serpent. She bore three sons to Heracles, who left instructions before his depar- ture that whichever of these three could bend the bow loft by him, should be made the king of the country. According to this test Scythe became the ruler and his descendants were called after him Scythians. Apart from general resemblance the episode of the bow, contained in it, offers the common element with one version of the Fu-nan tradition preserved in Chinese texts. Whether the common tradition about the origin of the royal dynasty proves any close connection between the people of Fu-nan and the Pallavas on the one hand, and between the Pallavas and the Scythians on the other, is a speculative problem, which it is unnecessary to discuss for our present purpose. We must, however, note that there is also a Pallava parallel to the second tradition of Kambuja which derives the royal dynasty from the sage, Kambu Svyambhuva, to whom the God Siva gave as wife the most glorious Apspra named Mera. The Pallava story as recorded in a Sanskrit inscription found at Amaravati runs as follows. "By the favour of Siva, Drona had a glorious son named Asvatthama who became an ascetic, and lived in a forest. One day the Apsara Madani came to his hermitage, and both became enamoured of each other. The Apsara bore him a son named Pallava, who became the originator of the dynasty known after him." Here also we find this common basic theme, viz., the origin of the royal dynasty by the union between a sage and an Apsara, though the role played by Siva is slightly different. The mention of Asvatthama is also interesting inasmuch as he figures in the other tradition. 19 19. BEFEO. XI, pp. 391-93; XXIV, pp. 501 ff. INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA 21 Whatever we might think of these traditions as a connecting link between the Indian colonists in Cambodia and a known region or a ruling dynasty in India, they have undoubtedly some historical value, for we cannot fail to note in them an allegorical representa- tion of the conquest of the land of primitive wild tribes (Nagas) by the colonists from India (Aryadesa) who introduced the ele- ments of higher civilisation among the primitive aborigines. The introduction of names like Kambu and Siva is no doubt due to the dominance of Saivism. Whether the same band of colonists spread over the whole of Cambodia or its different parts were colonised by different groups of immigrants at different times cannot be definitely decided. Nor is it quite certain whether all the immigrants came direct from India or some of them at any rate came from other Indian colonial kingdoms. The probability is that a number of small states were founded in different parts of Cambodia by groups of people coming at different times both from India and Indian colonies in the neigh- bourhood. The names of some of these states which acknowledged the suzerainty of Fu-nan are preserved in Chinese chronicles. The History of the Liang Dynasty (502-556 A.D.) gives us the following account of Tueri-siun. "In the southern frontier of Fu-nan, at a distance of more than 3,000 li lies the kingdom of Tuen-siun on a rugged sea-shore. It is about 1000 li in extent. The capital city is about 10 li from the sea. There are five kings, all of whom are vassals of Fu-nan. The merchants from India and Parthia came in large numbers to carry on trade and commerce, the reason being that Tuen-siun forms a curve projecting into the sea for more than a thousand li. The sea 20 is vast and without limit and cannot be crossed directly. 21 Hence the market of Tuen-siun forms a meeting ground between the east and the west, frequented every day by more than ten 20. The Chinese name Chang -hai refers to the Sea of China extending from Hai-nan to the Malay Peninsula, It includes the Gulf of Tonkin (BEFEO. Ill, p. 263, f.n. 2) 21. As Pelliot observes, the Chinese text is somewhat obscure. Both Pelliot and Schlegel are of opinion that the Chinese vessels did not directly cross the sea from Annamese coast to the Malay Peninsula. They consequently followed the coast line and probably the goods were transhipped across the isthmus of Kra, thereby saving a lot of time. There is, however, no definite evidence in support of this view (BEFEO. Ill, p. 263 f.n. 3 cf., Suvdrnadwpa, I. pp. 85-6). J2 KAMBUJA-DE6A thousand men. Rare objects, precious merchandises, in short everything is found there. Moreover there is a tree, resembling pomegranate-tree, the juice of whose flowers is collected in a jar and, after a few days, is transformed into wine". 22 An Indian, named Che by the Chinese, who lived in the fifth century A.D. 23 and visited these parts gives the following account of Tuen-siun. "Tuen-siun is a vassal state of Fu-nan. The king is called Kuen-Luen. It contains five hundred Hu (probably of mercantile caste) families of India, two hundred Fo-tu (probably Buddhists), 24 and more than thousand Brahmans of India. The people of Tuen- siun follow their religion and give them their daughters in marriage, as most of these Brahmans settle in the country and do not go away. Day and night they read sacred scriptures and make offer- ings of white vases, perfumes and flowers to the gods. When they fall ill they take a vow to be devoured by the birds. They are led outside the town to the accompaniment of music and dance, and they are left to be devoured by the birds. The bones are then burnt and put in a jar which is thrown into the sea. If the birds do not devour them, they are placed in a basket. The ''cremation by fire" consists in throwing the body into fire. The ashes are col- lected in a vase which is buried, and to which sacrifices are made for an unlimited period". 25 (It then refers to preparation of wine as in the previous extract). The account of Tuen-siun is very illuminating as it reives a vivid image of an Indian colony in a foreign land, and shows the process by which Indian colonies grew and exerted their influence over the indigenous population. It is the usual story of trade followed by a missionary propaganda, both Brahmanical and Bud- dhist, of gradual settlement of Indians in the country, and ultimate fusion with the people by intermarriage with the native population. Like Tuen-siun Fu-nan itself was an important market town where met the traders from India and China, Evidently the same process, as described above, did also operate here in making it a 22. BEFEO. Ill, p. 263. 23. BEFEO. IE, p. 277. 24. Fo-tu means Buddha as well as Stupa. The figure is two, possibly a mistake for two hundred (Ibid, p, 279 f ,n. 5) . 25. Ibid, p. 279. INDIAN COLONISATION IN CAMBODIA . 23 flourishing Indian colony. Its supremacy was perhaps due to the fact that Indian colonists seized the political power at an early stage. References are not wanting in Chinese texts to communication between Fu-nan and India, The story of Kia-sing-li, who came from India to Fu-nan in course of trade, will be mentioned later. Reference has already been made to the fact that during the period 147-167 A.D. several Indian embassies went to China through the Southern seas. As the vessels in those days kept close to the coast, Fu-nan must have been an important halting station in this voyage. The new History of the Tang dynasty (618-906 A.D.) refers to ex- change of diamonds, sandals and other goods between India on the one hand and Fu-nan and Kiao-che (Tonkin) on the other. 26 An- other Chinese text says that a big vessel of Fu-nan corning from western India had for sale a mirror of blue po-li (spluttika) which had a diameter of 16 ft, 5 inches and weighed more than forty pounds. 27 We may thus easily visualise the process by which Fu-nan and other Indian colonies were founded in Cambodia. In course of time Fu-nan grew more powerful than others and established its sway over the whole of Cambodia and even far beyond its frontier. Fortunately we possess a somewhat detailed account of its rise and development, and this will form the subject of my next lecture. 26. Ibid, p. 275. 27. Ibid, p. 283. LECTURE II THE KINGDOM OF FU-NAN The earliest historical account of the Khmers is bound up with the kingdom of Fu-nan, which is frequently referred to in the Chinese texts from the third to the seventh century A.D. Strangely enough, all traditions of the kingdom, and even its very name, dis- appeared after the seventh century A.D. without leaving any trace. The location of this kingdom became, therefore, a matter of con- siderable difficulty, and various opinions about it were expressed by different scholars. To M. Paul Pelliot belongs the credit of finally settling this question and also of collecting together the his- torical information about this kingdom scattered in different Chinese texts. The following account of the kingdom of Fu-nan is mainly based on the materials collected by him on the subject. 1 The name of the kingdom, Fu-nan, is written in different ways by the Chinese, and I-tsing calls it Pa-nan. M. Aymonier regards it as a pure Chinese word meaning 'the protected south/ but Pelliot infers from the different forms of the name, that it is merely a Chinese transcription of an original name. Unfortunately, this original name cannot be restored with any amount of certainty. The views of Schlegel and Parker that the original name was P'o- nam or Phnom ( penh) are rejected by Pelliot. 2 G. Coedes derives the name from Ba Phnom, a region round the hill of that name in South Cambodia, 3 and this seems to be the most plausible view. The kingdom of Fu-nan corresponded roughly to Cambodia proper and a part of Cochin-China, and comprised the lower valley of the Mekong. The capital of this kingdom, according to some Chinese texts, was 500 li from the sea. If, as it seems very pro- bable, this distance was measured by the route along the Mekong river, the capital must have been situated between Chaudoc and 1. Cf. "Le Fou-Naii" by P. Pelliot in BEFEO. Vol. Ill, pp. 248-303. In the following foot-notes of this chapter, the pages, unless otherwise indicated, refer to this article. 2. P. 288. 3. BEFEO. Vol. XXVIII, pp. 129-30, 26 KAMBUJA-DESA Phnom Penh, a region which was once the centre of Khmer civili- sation. Pelliot, following Aymonier, infers from an inscription found in the province of Battambang that the earliest capital of the historical kingdom of Kambuja which replaced Fu-nan was most probably Vyadhapura. He identifies it with modern Angkorbaurei, and thinks it very likely that it was also the capital of Fu-nan. 4 Coedes, however, rejects this view. He locates Vyadhapura at the foot of the peak at Ba Phnom and regards it as the capital of Fu- nan, though not of Kambujadesa. 5 According to the Chinese account the primitive people of Fu- nan were semi-savages. They went about naked and decorated themselves with tattoo marks. 6 Their queen Lieu-ye was, how- ever, defeated by Huen-tien, a follower of the Brahmanical religion, who introduced the elements of civilised life, In particular he made the women wear clothes. 7 This Huen-tien was most probably a Hindu colonist who came direct from India, though the possibility is not altogether excluded that he might have been a Hinduised colonist from some part of Malay Peninsula or Malay Archipelago. 8 From the accounts of subsequent events 9 his arrival cannot be placed later than the first century A.D. No particulars of Huen-tien's reign are known to us, 10 but his son is said to have been given an appanage of seven towns 11 . The existence or creation of these vassal states was not without danger to the kingdom. However, one of the successors of Huen-tien, named Huen P'an-huang, sowed the seeds of dis- union among the seven towns and thus succeeded in bringing them under his control. Then he appointed his sons and grandsons as 4. P. 290. 5. BEFEO. Vol. XXVin, pp. 127-131, 6. P. 265. 7. P. 256. See ante p. 17. 8. Cf. Et. As. II, pp. 245-46, where Pelliot discusses the location of Mo-fu, the original home of Huen-chen (pp, 247-69), but is unable to come to any definite conclusion. 9. These are referred to below. 10. Except, of course, his civilising mission referred to above. 11. Cf. p. 265. The passage is somewhat obscure, though this seems to be the proper meaning. It is evident from what follows that the governors of the seven towns grew to be too powerful for the central authority and it was only by creating dissensions among them that they were once more brought under control, THE KINGDOM OF FU-NAN 27 governors of only a single town. They were called 'small kings' 12 Huen P'an-huang, as the first part of the name indicates, was un- doubtedly a descendant of Huen-tien, 13 and ruled during the second half of the second century A.D. Huen Pan-huang died at the advanced age of ninety and was succeeded by his second son P'an-p'an. He left the cares of govern- ment to his great general Fan-man, or Fan-che-man. When the king died after a reign of three years Fan-che-man was elected king by the people 14 (c. 200 A.D.) . Fan-che-man was an able ruler and laid the foundation of the greatness of Fu-nan. He constructed a powerful navy and conquered the neighbouring states to a distance of five or six thousand li which henceforth became vassals of Fu-nan. Although the Chinese names of these vassal states cannot all be satisfac- torily identified, we may hold in a general way that nearly the whole of Siam and parts of Laos and Malay Peninsula acknowledg- ed the authority of Fu-nan which thus became the first Hindu colonial empire in Indo-China. Fan-che-man assumed the title 'Great king of Fu-nan' and was about to lead a campaign against Kin-lin (Suvarnabhumi or Suvarnadvipa) when he fell ill and died. During his illness he had sent his eldest son Fan-Kin-cheng to take charge of the army, but the general Fan Chan, son of the elder sister of Fan-che-man, taking advantage of the absence of Fan-Kin-cheng, declared himself king and put Fan-Kin-cheng to death (c. 225 A.D.). 15 The reign of Fan Chan is of special importance as we know definitely that he sent embassies to both China and India. Accord- ing to San Kuo Che (which deals with the history of the period from 220 to 280 A.D. and was written towards the end of the third cen- 12. P. 265. 13. This also clearly follows from the statement in the History of the Southern Tsi Dynasty that the sons and grandsons of Huen-tien ruled the country up to the death of P'an-huang (pp, 256-7). 14. P. 265. 15. C/. p. 266-7 and the footnotes. For Kin-lin cf. p. 266 f.n. (5). It was about two thousand li from Fu-nan. The people were Buddhist and there were several thousand sramanas in the country. The Chinese Kin-lin means 'frontier of gold* but it is sometimes identified with Kin-chen which means island of gold. The Chinese name may, therefore, be regarded as equivalent to Suvarnabhumi or Suvarnadvipa. On the identification of this cf. my book 1 Suvarnadvipa, Part I pp, 37 ff. 28 KAMBUJA-DE6A tury A.D. by Chen Chen) Fan Chan, king of Fu-nan, sent an embassy to China in 243 A.D., offering as presents a few musieians and some products of the country. 16 This is one of the earliest references to official relationship between China and Fu-nan. 17 In- cidentally it gives us the first fixed point in the chronology of the kings of Fu-nan, on the basis of which it has been possible to assign approximate dates to the previous kings. A Chinese text of the third century A,D. tells us that Kia- sing-li, an inhabitant of T'an-Yang, in the western part of India, made voyages for purposes of trade and ultimately reached Fu-nan during the reign of Fan Chan. He gave the king a graphic des- cription of the laws, manners, customs, and the immense wealth of India. Being asked the distance, he said it was 30,000 li, and a return voyage from Fu-nan would take three to four years, 18 Fan Chan's curiosity was perhaps aroused by these stories. In any ca^e he sent one of his relations named Su-Wu as an ambassador to India. Su-Wu embarked at Teu-ki-li, probably the famous port of Takkola, and reached the mouth of the great river of India (Ganges) after about a year. Having proceeded up the river for 7,000 li, he met the king of India. The latter cordially wel- comed Su-Wu and arranged for his visit to the different parts of the kingdom. He senl two envoys to accompany Su-Wu to the king of Fu-nan with a present of four horses of Yu-che country, and these came to Fu-nan four years after Su-Wu had left the country. 19 These four years, however, witnessed great political changes. King Fan Chan was no longer on the throne of Fu-nan, He was assassinated by Fan Chang, a younger son of Fan-che-man. Fan Chang was a baby at the time of his father's death, but when he was twenty years old, he collected a few brave persons and killed Fan Chan in order to avenge the murder of his elder brother. It is not definitely known whether Fan Chang ascended the throne, but even if he did so, his reign must have been short. He was 16. P. 303. 17. Pelliot says on p. 503 that this is the earliest embassy, but on p. 2$3 he refers to a passage from Wu-li to the effect that Fu-nan sent an embassy to China in 225 A.D. (or, according to another version of the same passage of Wu-li, quoted by a later writer, during the period 229-31 A.D.) 18. P. 277. 19. P. 271. KINGDOM OF FU-NAN 20 assassinated by the general Fan Siun who succeeded him as king of Fu-nan. 20 It was during the reign of Fan Siun, probably some time bet* ween 245 and 250 A.D., that the Chinese ambassadors K'ang T'ai and Chu Ying visited Fu-nan. it was evidently in recognition of the embassy sent by him to China. The Chinese ambassadors met in Fu-nan Chen-song, one of the envoys sent by the king of India. This Chinese embassy is of more than passing importance to Fu-nan. K'ang T'ai and Chu Ying wrote two books on Fu-nan which gave to the Chinese the first authentic accoum of the king- dom and supplied the main source of information to later writers on the subject. 21 In particular K'ang T'ai's work ib frequently re- ferred to by later authors. He may be compared to Magasthenes, and it is of tragic interest to note that like the Indica of the latter, K'ang T'ai's work is lost and only fragments of it are preserved in quotations by later authors. It may be added that K'ang T'ai also recorded a brief account of India as reported by Chen-song. The only point of importance in this account of India is that it gives us more detailed information about the particular kingdom in India visited by the envoy of Fu-nan. According to the state- ment of Chen-song, as reported by K'ang-T'ai, 'the title of his king was Meu-lun and to the right and left of his kingdoms, there were six great kingdoms, viz., those of Kia-wei (Kapilavastu) , Che-Wei (Sravasti) etc. This leaves no doubt that the great river of India through which the envoy of Fu-nan proceeded inland for 7,000 li was the Ganges, and that the kingdom he visited was situated somewhere in U.P. M. Sylvain Levi has proposed the identification of Meu-lun with the Murundas. This dynasty is referred to in the Puranas as having ruled for 350 years, but there is no indica- tion about the locality of their kingdom. A Jairia work refers to Pataliputra as the residence of a Murunda-raja, but it is not clear whether it is a personal (cf. Sisunaga king Miuida) or a tribal name. The Murundas are also referred to in the Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta, but it is extremely improbable that they could have ruled anywhere in the upper Ganges valley at the time of that great emperor. S. Levi's hypothesis that the envoy of Fu-nan visited the kingdom of the Murunclas near about Pa^ali- 20. P. 267. 21. P. 275. 30 KAMBUJA-DE6A putra, is at best a plausible, though very doubtful one, and all that we can safely assert is that Fu-nan's ambassador visited a kingdom on the upper Ganges valley. As regards K'ang Tai's account of Fu-nan, the only point that need be referred to at present is his observation that though the country is beautiful, it is strange that the men went about naked. King Fan Siun, however, stopped this indecent habit. 22 Fan Siun had a long reign and sent several embassies to China in the years 268, 285, 286 and 287 A.D. 23 An interesting sidelight is thrown on the political status of Fu-nan about this time by the memorandum prepared by T'ao Huang, the governor of Tonkin, when the emperor expressed a desire to reduce the military ex- penditure. T'ao Huang prayed that the garrison of Tonkin which formerly consisted of 7,000, and now only 2420, men should not be reduced any further. As a reason for this he pointed out the danger of constant incursions of Fan Hiong, the ruler of Champa. Further, he said, that the Chams and the people of the adjoining country Fu-nan are allies, -and the two support each other. Their tribes are numerous and they don't submit to China. 24 The next reference to Fu-nan in Chinese history is in connec- tion with an embassy sent in A.D. 357 by a Hindu named Chan- tan. 25 According to the Chinese texts this Hindu took the title of the King of Fu-nan. This indicates a period oi' political troubles with several claimants for the throne. The name of the Hindu may be restored as Chandana or Chandra. 26 He sent a petition and presented some tamed elephants to the Chinese king. The latter, however, issued an order to the effect that as the mainten- ance of these animals entails considerable expenditure they should not be sent as presents. 27 According to other texts the emperor considered these strange animals as sources of evil to the people and ordered them to be returned* 28 22. P, 268. 23. P, 252. 24. P. 255. 25. Pp. 252-3, 255, 269. 26. S. Levi restores the name as Cmasthana equivalent to Devaputra, and regards it as a title of the king of India who in his opinion sent this embassy. (Melanges Charles de Harlez, pp 176 ff). Pelliot rejects this view (p. 252 f.n. 4). 27. P. 269. 28. P. 255* THE KINGDOM OF FU-NAN 31 Towards the end of the fourth or the beginning of the fifth century A.D. the throne of Fu-nan was occupied by Kiao-chen-ju or Kaundinya. The History of the Liang Dynasty has preserved the following story about him: "Kaundinya was a Brahman and an inhabitant of India. One day he heard a supernatural voice asking him to go and reign in Fu-nan. He reached P'an-p'an to the south of Fu-nan. The people of Fu-nan cordially welcomed him and elected him king. He introduced Indian laws, manners and customs/' 29 This story perhaps preserves an echo of a fresh stream of colonists coming direct from India, as a result of which the country was thoroughly Hinduised. Next we hear of Ch'e-li-t'o-pa~mo, a successor of Kauncjinya sending embassies, with presents, to the Imperial Court in 434, 435 and 438 A.D. 30 The History of the First Song dynasty which gives us the above information also tells us that in the year 431 or 432 A.D. the king of Champa, intending to overthrow Tonkin, asked for military aid from the king of Fu-nan, but the latter refused the request. 31 The king of Fu-nan was most probably Ch'e-li-t'o-pa-mo. The Chinese texts tell us a great deal more about another suc- cessor of Kaundinya. 32 Towards the close of the Song period (420-478 A.D.) king Chb- ye~pa~mo (Jayavarman) ruled in Fu-nan. His family name was Kaundinya. He sent some merchants to Canton for purposes of trade. On their return journey the Indian monk Na-kia-sien (Na- gasena) joined them for coming back to his country. But a storm forced them to land in Champa whose people plundered all their goods. Nagasena, however, reached Fu-nan. In A.D. 484 Jayavarman sent Nagasena to the imperial court with a long petition, the full text of which is given in the Chinese chronicles. After the usual compliments and expressions of good will it refers to the disastrous voyage of Nagasena and the mer- chants from Canton in course of which they were robbed by the 29. P. 269. 30. The History of the first Song Dynasty which refers to the embassies in detail gives the name of the king as Ch'e-li-pa-mo. (p. 255). The History of the Liang Dynasty gives the name as Che-li-to-pa-mo (p. 269), 31. P. 255, 32. Pp. 257-261. 32 KAMBUJA-DESA king of Champa. It then refers to the glowing account of the laws, religion and the government of China given by Nagasena which induced Jayavarman to send his humble presents and ask for the good wishes of the emperor. The petition then narrates in detail how a rebellious subject of Fu-nan, named Kieu-ch'eu-lo fled to Champa, organised a rebellion there and made himself master of Champa. He was there indulg- ing in all sorts of violence and injustice, and what was worse, adopted an attitude of open hostility against the king of Fu-nan, his original master. As Fu~nan and Champa had a common boun- dary, Jayavarman was naturally anxious to get rid of him and asked the emperor to send a force against Champa, which he compla- cently described as originally a vassal state of China. He offered to help the imperial troops in their task of subjugating Champa, and agreed to recognise, as King of Champa, any other person nomi- nated by the emperor. Even if the emperor were unwilling to send a powerful army to chastise the king of Champa, Jayavarman requested him to send a small force to help him in punishing the wicked king. In order to strengthen his case he sent rich presents including a golden model of the throne of Naga-raja, an elephant of white sandal, two ivory stupas, two pieces of cotton, two vases of precious transparent stones, and a betel-nut plate made of shell. Nagasena proceeded to the imperial capital and gave an account of the manners and customs of Fu-nan, the most interesting point in which is a reference to the dominant cult of Mahesvara, the god who lives on the Mot an hill. He also presented a poem, which is somewhat abstruse but evidently eulogises the god Mahesvara, Buddha and the emperor. The emperor praised the god Mahesvara and -condemned the wicked usurper of the throne of Champa. But then he added: "It is only by the culture and virtue that I attract the distant people, but I do not like to have recourse to arms. However, according to the established convention of the government, I am referring the request of the king of Fu-nan for military -assistance against Champa to a tribunal/' The decision of the tribunal is not on record, but there is nothing to show that any military assistance was given. The emperor, however, presented a large quantity of silk of various colours to the king of Fu-nan. In 503 A.D. Jayavarman again sent an embassy to the imperial court with presents including an image of Buddha, made of coral. On this occasion the following imperial edict was issued: "The THE KINGDOM OF FU-NAN 83 king of Fu-nan Kaundinya Jayavarman lives on the border of the ocean. For generations he and his forefathers have ruled over that distant country of the south and their sincerity (of respectful feelings to the emperor) is manifested by frequent embassies and presents. It is proper to show some favour in return and to bestow a grand title upon him. Hence (I confer) the title "The General of the pacified south, the king of Fu-nan." 33 Jayavarman sent two more embassies to the imperial court, one in 511 and the other in 514 A.D. 34 There is no doubt that through- out his reign a very cordial and intimate relation subsisted between the two countries. This is further proved by the fact that two Buddhist monks of Fu-nan settled in China 35 whose works are still preserved in the Tripitaka. One of them, Sanghapala or Sangha- varman (460-524 A.D.), knew several languages, and spent sixteen years (506-522) in translating, at the command of the emperor Wu, various canonical texts in five different places. One of these was called Fu-nan-Kuan or Bureau of Fu-nari. The second monk was named Mandra or Mandrasena. He arrived at the imperial capital in A.D. 503, and was commanded by the emperor Wu to collaborate with Sanghapala in the transla- tion of sacred scriptures. Jayavarman died in A.D. 514. His elder son, Rudravarman, born of a concubine, succeeded him after having killed the younger son born of his legitimate wife. An inscription found at Neak Ta Dambang Dek in the province of Treang 36 in southern Cambodia refers to the foundation of a hermitage (drama) with a tank and a dwelling house (dlaya) by queen Kulaprabhavati, the principal spouse of a king called Jayavarman. In view of the palaeography and find-spot of the Ins. Coedes, who edited it, has identified this king with Jayavarman of Fu-nan. The alphabet of this inscription bears a close resemblance with that of the Thap Musi Ins. 37 of Gunavarman. who is described as the young son of a king of the family of Kaundinya. Coedes suggests on the joint evidence of these two inscriptions that the young Gunavarman was the son of Jayavarman and Kulaprabhavati, and his legitimate succession to 33. P. 269. 34. P. 270, 35. Pp. 284-5. 36. Edited by Coedes, JGIS, IV, pp. 117 ft 37. BEFEO. XXXI, pp. 1 ff. .5 34 KAMBUJA-DESA the throne was prevented by Rudravarman. This is a very reason- able hypothesis, but cannot be regarded as an established fact until further evidence is available. Rudravarman is also referred to in an epigraphic record, 38 A Buddhist inscription, sadly mutilated, belongs to his reign, and eulogises his royal qualities. It refers to the appointment of an official by his father Jayavarman, but does not give us any histori- cal information. Rudravarman sent no less than six embassies to China in 517, 519, 520, 530, 535 and 539 A,D. The envoy sent in 517 was an In- dian named Tang-pa o-lao (Dharmapaia?). The presents sent in 519 included an image of Buddha made of Indian sandalwood, and pearls or precious stones of India. In 539 he sent a living rhinoceros and offered to the emperor a hair of Buddha 12 ft. long which was in his country. The emperor sent a monk to fetch the precious relic. 38a Rudravarman is the last king of Fu-nan referred to by name in the Chinese texts. Nothing is known of this kingdom during the next three quarters of a century. But we learn from the Chinese chronicles that Fu-nan was conquered by Citrasena king of Chen-la, whose son Isanasena sent an embassy to the Chinese court in 616-7 A.D. 39 It is obvious, however, that the conquest by Chitrasena did not mean an end of the kingdom of Fu-nan. For we learn from the Chinese texts that T'6~mu, the capital of Fu-nan, was suddenly seized by Chen-la, and the king of Fu-nan removed himself to a town called Na-fu-na, fuiiher to the south. 40 Accord- ing to Polliot the Chinese name may stand for Navanagara, and this city was probably situated somewhere near Kampot. 41 Further, the Chinese texts refer to two embassies of Fu-nan in the first half of the seventh century A.D. 42 The last reference to Fu-nan occurs in the account of I-tsing (671-695 A,D.) in the following words: 38. Ibid. 38a. Pp. 270-1. 39. P. 272. It is not expressly stated that Isanasena sent the embassy, but that is the obvious inference as he is referred to as the reigning king. 40. P. 274, 41. P. 295. 42. One between 618 and 626 A.D., and the other between 627 and 649 AD, (p. 274). THE KINGDOM OF FU-NAN 35 "Leaving Champa and going towards the south-west the country of Pa-nan is reached. Formerly this was called Fu-nan. In anci- ent times it was the country of the naked men. The people wor- shipped many Devas. Then the law of Buddha prospered and expanded. But at the present time a wicked king has completely destroyed it and there are no more monks/' 43 It may be surmised from the above that some vestige of the ancient kingdom of Fu-nan survived till the end of the seventh century A.D. The name Chen-la is used by the Chinese to rcier to the king- dom of Kambuja. The inscriptions of Cambodia give u-; a detailed and connected account of the kingdom from the seventh century A.D. Even the two kings of Chen-la, referred to above, are known from these inscriptions. There can be hardly any doubt that Kam- buja was originally a vassal stale of Fu-nan that grew powerful enough in the seventh century A.D. to assert its supremacy and destroy the suzerain power. 44 Henceforth Kambuja takes the place of Fu-nan and continues a glorious existence for nearly seven hundred years. But before proceeding to deal with the history of this powerful kingdom wo should make a broad review of the king- dom of Fu-nan, the first Hindu kingdom in Cambodia, if not in Indo-China, and trace the development of its culture and civilisation on the basis of the data supplied by the Chinese chronicles. The early history of Fu-nan is a repetition of that of almost every ancient Hindu colony in the Far East. Originally a country of savages or semi-barbarians, it imbibes the element of civilisation from a Hindu or Hinduised chief who establishes his authority either by conquest or by more peaceful methods. Gradually it comes more and more into direct contact with India and Hindu culture and civilisation become the dominant feature. In the case of Fu-nan we can distinctly trace two broad stages of Indianisation, one in the first and another in the fourth century A.D., and in both cases under the influence of its rulers, whose names are supposed to represent the same Indian namo, Kaundinyn. The earlier, Huen-tien, is said to have followed the Brahmanical cult, but there is no definite information of his original home. Naturally one might be tempted to regard him as coming direct 43. Takakusu-I-tsing, p. 10. 44, This will be more fully dealt with in the next Lecture, 3fl KAMBUJA-DESA from India. But the story of the Indian merchant Kia-siang-li who visited the court of king Fan Chan seems to militate against this view. For, if we believe in the details of the story it would appear that the king had never heard of India before. But such stories are not to be taken too literally, and perhaps the sentiments of the Chinese writer, to whom India was a terra incognita, rather than those of the king and people of Fu-nan, have been reflected in them. For the Chinese texts tell us that during the time of the emperor Huan of the later Han dynasty (147-167 A.D.) Indian embassies came to China by the southern sea and they must have passed by Fu-nan. According to the same texts, however, this political intercourse completely ceased in the third century A.D. 45 This might account for the ignorance of India in the Far East in the third century A.D., but as the story of Hucn-tien goes back to the first century A.D. there is no inherent improbability in the very natural assumption that he came from India. We have, there- fore, good reason to believe that the first Hindu colonists from India settled in Fu-nan not later than the first century A.D. There is, however, no doubt that Kaundinya of the fourth cen- tury A.D. came direct from India, as this is explicitly stated in the Chinese Texts. The first reference to the people of Fu-nan occurs in a poem composed in the third century A.D. by Tso-Sseu. He says that the people of Fu-nan 46 are clever and should not be confused with the barbarians. The earliest general account of Fu-nan is given in the History of the T$in Dynasty which covers the period from 265 to 419 A.D. and was composed by Fang Hiuan-ling (578-648 A.D.). It runs as follows; "The kingdom of Fu-nan is more than 3,000 li to the west of Lin-yi (Champa) in a great bay of the ocean. The country is three thousand li in extent. There are many walled towns, palaces, and houses. The people are black and ugly. They have curly hair and go about naked and bare footed. Their nature is simple and they are not at all given to theft or robbery. They apply them- selves to agriculture. They sow one year and gather harvest during next three years. Moreover they love to engrave and 45, Pp. 271, 272, 46, P. 281, THE KINGDOM OF FU-NAN 3? chisfel their ornaments. They mostly take their food on silver plates. The taxes are paid in gold, silver, pearls and perfumes. They have many books and there are libraries and archives. In writing they use an alphabet derived from India. 47 Their funeral and marriage ceremonies are like those of Champa' '. 48 The following account is preserved in the History of the Southern Ts'i covering the period from 479 to 501 and composed at the beginning of the sixth century A.D. "The people of Fu-nan are crafty and malicious. They forcibly carry away and reduce to slavery the inhabitants of the neighbour- ing towns that do not submit to their authority. Their articles of trade are gold, silver, and silk. The men of noble families use Sarong made of brocade. The females cover their body in a dress that passes over their head. The poor people cover their bodies with a piece of cloth. The inhabitants of Fu-nan use golden rings and bracelets and silver vessels. They cut woods to make their houses. The king lives in a storeyed pavilion. The houses are enclosed by a wooden palisade. The houses are sometimes covered by bamboo-leaves, 8 or 9 ft. long. They also live in houses raised above the ground. They construct boats 80 to 90 ft. long and 6 or 7 ft. wide, the front and back of which are shaped like the head and tail of a fish. When the king goes out he rides on an elephant. The women also ride on elephants. They arrange cock-fight and pig-fight for their amusements. They have no prison. In case of dispute they throw a golden ring or egg in boiling water and the disputants have to draw them out or they have to walk seven steps carrying red-hot iron chain in their hands. The hands of the guilty are completely burnt, but the innocent do not suffer any injury. Sometimes the disputants are thrown into water. The guilty sinks but the innocent does not. The country produces sugar-cane, pomegranate, orange and much areca-nut. The birds and the mamalions are the same as in China. The character of the people is good and they do not like war". 49 47. The actual words are "their characters resemble those of Hu". But as Pelliot points out (p. 254, f.n. 2), that although the Hu, properly speaking, mean the people of Central Asia, all alphabets related to those of India are included in the Hu alphabet. That the Indian alphabet was used in Fu-nan is definitely proved by the discovery of the Sanskrit inscriptions referred to in f.n. 36-38 above. 48. P. 254. 49. Pp. 261-2. 38 KAMBUJA-DESA The beginning and the end of this account give us somewhat contradictory ideas about the general disposition of the people. Either they refer to different types of people living in the same country, or put together observations made by different persons, perhaps at different times. The History of the Liang dynasty (502-556 A,D.) repeats much of the above information but also adds something new. The pro- ducts of the country are said to be gold, silver, copper, tin, aloe, ivory, peacock, kingfisher and parrots of five colours. It pdds a few details about the trial by ordeal referred to above. We are told that crocodiles are kept in the ditches outside the walls, and ferocious animals are placed inside an enclosure outside the city gates. The persons accused of criminal acts are thrown in the ditches and the enclosure, and kept for three days. If they are not devoured, they are considered innocent. In all cases the sus- pected persons are made to fast and practise abstinence for three days before being subjected to the ordeal. The big crocodiles are said to have been more than 20 ft. long. They resembled the alligators, had four legs and their mouths, six or seven feet long, had on each side teeth pointed like swords. They lived ordinarily on fish, but would devour a buck or a man if they could get it. 50 It gives the following account of the manners and customs of the people: "They do not sink wells in their houses, several dozens of families having a common pond whence they draw their water. They worship the spirits of heaven and make their images in bronze. Some of these have two and four faces with respectively four and eight hands. Each hand holds something, a child, a bird, an animal, sun or moon. "The king and his concubines who live in the palace ride on elephants when going out or coming in. When the king sits, he squats on a side, with the right knee raised high and the left knee touching the ground. In front of him is spread a piece of cotton cloth, and vases of gold and burning incense are placed on it. "In case of mourning the custom is to shave the beard and the hair. The dead are disposed of in four ways, the dead body being 50. Pp. 263, 268. THE KINGDOM OF FU-NAN 39 cither burnt, thrown in a river, buried in the ground, or left in the field for being devoured by birds. "The people are greedy by nature. The boys and girls mix promiscuously and they observe neither ceremony nor decency." 51 The New History of the Tang dynasty (618-906) refers to a kind of diamond produced in the country. In appearance it is like csuartz. It is found in abundance on rocks deep under water and the people dive into water to collect them. A jade can be scratched by it, but it is broken if struck by a corner of a battering ram. 52 Another Chinese text, Wai Kuo Clnian, refers to a new type of trial by ordeal. If anything is stolen in a house, a small quantity of rice is taken in -a temple and the god is requested to find out the thief. The rice is placed near the feet of the god. Next day the rice is taken and the servants of the house are asked to eat it. The innocent swallows it without any difficulty, but blood comes out of the mouth of the guilty. The same text tells us that the people of Fu-nan are noble and wealthy, and decorate thfcir houses with sculpture. They are gene- rous and charitable and have many birds and animals. The king is fond of hunting. They aril ride on elephants and spend days and months in hunting excursions. 52 The Tong-tien, a text of the nature of an Encyclopaedia, com- posed at the end of the eighth century, contains the following passage: "In the time of the Suei (581-618 A.D.) the king had the family name Ku-long. There were many others in the kingdom having the same family name. The old people, when interrogated, says that the K'uen-luen (Malays) have no family name. (The Ku-long) is a corruption of K'uen-luen." 54 The accounts culled above from the Chinese texts leave no doubt that the people of Fu-nan had imbibed Hindu culture and civilisation to a very large extent. The dominant religion was Saivism as we learn from the account of Nagasena, though Buddhism 51. P. 269, 52. P. 274. 53. P. 280. 54. P. 283. 40 KAMBUJA-DESA was not unknown. The images of gods with two or four faces and four or eight hands undoubtedly refer to Brahmanical gods. Some of their manners and customs, such as putting on clothes, riding on elephants, funeral ceremonies, trial by ordeal, the luxurious mode of living as indicated by their decorated houses, costly orna- ments and utensils, the royal pomp and grandeur, 55 the peculiar shape of their boats, and the title Fan (equivalent to Varman) borne by the kings all indicate an Indian influence. Their alpha* bets were also derived from India. The traces of primitive barbarism were no doubt still to be found among a large section of people. This perhaps explains some of the contradictory statements in Chinese accounts. For while some say that they had marriage ceremonies like those preva- lent in Champa, others refer to the promiscuous relation between boys and girls and want of a sense of decorum and decency among the people. Again, as we have already noted above, the same account which praises the good character and pacific disposition of the people, also refers to their ferocious and violent character. All these seem to indicate that although the people generally gave up their primitive nomadic habits and barbaric customs and took to agriculture, they had not all imbibed the culture and civilisation introduced by the Hindu colonists to the same degree. This is only natural, and the same phenomena are observed in other Hindu colonies e.g. Champa and Java. The main credit of the Hindu colonists lies in the great contrast between the primitive barbarism of the people whose men and women went about naked, and the highly developed culture and civilisation that flourished in the same soil after the settlement of the Hindus. But the best evidence of the extent to which Indian culture was imbibed by the people is furnished by the three Sanskrit ins- criptions of Fu-nan. 56 The first begins with an invocation to God Visnu. The second records a donation by prince Gunavarman to the image of God Vi&nu called Cakratirthasvami which was con- secrated by the Brahmanas versed in the Vedas, Upavedas and Vedangas and sages versed in the Sruti. The third records a donation to some Buddhist establishment and refers to Buddha, 55. The History of the Liang Dynasty tells us that king Fan Siun con- structed pavilions and belvederes and held three or four audiences a day (pp. 267-8). 56, For these inscriptions cf. f.n. 36-38 above, THE KINGDOM OF FU-NAN 41 Dharma and Sahgha. The Bhagavatas are mentioned in the second and the Aryasamghikas in the third. Thus while the Chinese evidence refers to Saivism and Buddhism, the first two inscriptions definitely prove that Vaisnavism was also introduced in the coun- try. The second also demonstrates that the Indian philosophical ideas and religious beliefs were familiar to the people of Fu-nan. Referring to the temple of Visnu, erected by Gunavarman, it says: "Tad-bhakto=dhivased vised-api ca vd tustdntardtma. jano \ Mu/cto duskrta-karmmanas~sa paraman-gacchet padam vaisnavam \ \ "A devotee of Vinu, who lives in, or even once enters into, this place consecrated to the god Cakratirthasvami, with a conten- ted heart, will be freed from the effects of his evil deeds, and go to the abode of Visnu". The cult of Bhakti and the theory of Karma are thus clearly referred to. We are further told that the sages versed in the Sruti have given the name Cakratirthasvami to the God. The name Cakratirtha is mentioned in several Puranas, and a knowledge of the Puranic literature can be easily presumed from this as well as the mention of Ksiroda-samudra and amrta in the stanza of invocation. There is nothing to be surprised at this. For the record refers explicitly to Brahmanas versed in Veda, Upaveda and Vedanga, and the first inscription mentions the houses of Brah- manas in a town called Kurumbanagara. The third inscription refers to two kings of Fu-nan named Jayavarman and his son Rudravarman. The royal eulogy is com- posed in the right Indian style, and the following may be cited as an example: "Ekasthdn akhildn narddhipagundn udyacchate veksitum \ DJidtrd nirmita eka eva sa bhuvi Sn Rudravarmma | | Sarvam saccaritam krtam nrpatind ten-dti-dharm-drthiiw, \ Lokanugraha-sadhaimm prati na ca ksatravratam khanditam \ \ "God created Rudravarman in this world in order to collect in one place all the royal virtues. For the sake of dharma he, the king, performed all virtuous acts. But he did not forsake the duty of a Ksatriya which contributes to the welfare of men". King Jaya- varman, we are told, appointed the son of the leading Brahmana (dvija-ndyaka) as his treasurer (dlutnanam-adhyaksa) . This Brah- mana official adopted Buddhism and became an Upasaka. The 42 KAMBUJA-DE6A invocation to Buddha and the general tenor of the inscription show no trace of Mahayana influence whatsoever. The records show that the caste-system, at least in its general form, was introduced in Fu-nan, although the Brahmajias were by no means confined to duties of a sacerdotal character. The ins- criptions, which are written in Sanskrit verse and in South Indian alphabets, show that the Sanskrit language and literature were already highly developed on the soil of Fu-nan. Although the inscriptions, particularly the last two, are fragmentary, enough remains to show that the religion and mythology of India had been carried to Cambodia and the essential elements of Hindu culture were thoroughly established in the colony of Fu-nan long before the sixth century A.D. How thoi-ougHy Indian mythology was cultivated in Fu-nan may be illustrated by the description o Queen Kulaprabliavati, in the first inscription, as "Saci is that of Sakra, Svaha is that of Fire, Rudrani that of Hara, and Sri of Sripati." Fu-nan may be regarded as one of the important centres from which Indian culture and civilisation radiated on all sides. The conquests of Fan-che-man and the establishment of an empire of Fu-nan must have facilitated the natural process by which the culture was spreading in all directions. The empire of Fu-nan must have extended over Siam, Malay Peninsula and a part of Burma, in the time of Fan-che-man. Wan-chen, a writer of the third century A.D., says that the vassal states of Fu-nan wore all governed by Mandarins, and that the great officers of the right and the left of the king were called Kuen-luen. This title was borne by the king and a large number of families in Fu-nan. These must have formed the aristocracy and the ruling class, and they were the main instruments of the spread of Hindu culture and civilisation all over the empire. The same conclusion is borne out by the study of the art of Kambuja. The monuments and sculptures of Kambuja fall readily into two broad divisions, the primitive and the classic. The latter is associated with Angkor and dates from about the 10th century. The primitive art begins from the age of Fu-nan and is continued by the early rulers of Kambuja which took its place in the 7th century A.D. As most of the monuments of the early period were made of perishable materials like wood or brick, there are not enough remains to reconstruct the art of Fu-nan. But it is now generally recognised that the primitive art of Kambuja originated during this period, and Parmentier has tried to piece together the data furnished by the primitive art in order to give some idea of THE KINGDOM OP FU-NAtf & the lost art of Fu-nan. 57 The teni A \* of brick, consisted of a square or rectangular cella, with plain walls surmounted by a roof which consisted of a number of gradually receding stages. This is a characteristic of the Gupta art, and although extant speci- mens are wanting, we get representation of it in sculptures of the Gupta period. 58 The affinity with the Gupta art is more evident in th * sculptures, and the scholars are in general agreement that the primitive art of Kambuja is derived from India and is closely allied to the Gupta art. 59 In recent yearc a number of sculptures have been discovered in Siam and Cambodia who^e style is sur- prisingly akin to that of the Gupta art. Robert Dalet has described an image of Buddha found at Tuol Prah That in the district of Kompon Spur. 60 The image is broken and was found interred under the earth. The photograph shows this image to be strikingly similar in style to the Sarnath images of Buddha with which we are so familiar. This image and others of similar style found at Vat Prah Nirpan 61 leave no doubt that the primitive art of Kambuja was a direct product o f the Indian school. Indeed Groslter 62 has even advanced the theory that the original Indian colonists brought with them aitists and craftsmen from India, and they were entrusted with the task of building temples and images of gods. In short, whatever difference of views there might be about the origin of the classical art of Kambuja dating from 9th and 10 cen- turies A.D., the scholars are agreed in their view that the art of Fu-nan was purely Indian, and through Fu-nan this Indian art of the Gupta age spread over a wide territory in Indo-China along with other phases of Indian culture. 57. BEFEO. XXXII. pp. 183 ff. 58. For fullei discussion of this point cf. Suvarnadvipa, Part II, pp. 347 ff. History oj Bengal (Dacca University) Edited by R. C. Majumdar, pp. 493 ff. 59. cf. G Groslier La Sculpture Khmere Ancienne, Ch. IX. Rene Grousset India (Tr, by C. A. Philips) pp. 306 ff. CoedesKecueil des Ins. du Siam pt II. p. 4; Ars Asiatica, XII, p. 23. 60. BEFEO. XXXV, pp, 156 ff. 61. Ibid, p. 157. 62. Op. Cit. LECTURE III THE RISE OF KAMBUJADESA The kingdom of Karri bujadesa, the mythical legend of whose foundation has already been mentioned above, rose irto importance in the sixth century A.D. and overthrew Fu-nan. Lince that time this kigndom prospered and continued its glcrious existence for well-nigh seven hundred years, till the inevitable decline set in, and it was gradually reduced to a petty protectorate of the French in the 19th century A.D. This continuity and the glory and splendour of Kambuja have cast into shade we might almost say oblivion the earlier king- dom of Fu-nan, with the result that the history of the Khmers now practically begins with Kambuja and their early traditions are bound up with it. Kambuja, as noted above, was one of the many states which acknowledged the suzerainty of Fu-nan. Its early history is obscure but we may glean a few important facts from a study of the inscriptions and Chinese accounts. The Baksei Camkron Ins. (No. 89) dated 869 &aka (^947 A.D.), which gives the traditional account of the descent of the Kambuja kings from the great sage Kambu Svayambhuva, refers to Srutavarman as the root (mula) of the rulers of Kambu who delivered the country from bondage (lit. chains of tribute). An- other inscription, found at Ta Prohm (No. 177) and dated 1108 S' (^1186 A.D.), mentions king Srutavarman and his son king Sres- thavarman. The latter is described as the sun in the sky which is the family of Kambu, and is said to have been the progenitor of the royal line (va$udhddhara-vamsa~yoni) . He was born on the moun- tain Jayadityapura and was the supreme king of Sresthapura. We may, therefore, regard 6rutavarman and his son {Srestha- varman as the earliest historical kings of Kambuja. Fortunately, the reference to Sresthapura enables us to locate the kingdom over which they ruled. An inscription (No. 170) found at Vat Phu, near Bassac in Laos, records that the locality was included in the district (visaya) of Sresthapura. It would thus appear that origi- nally the kingdom of Kambu occupied this region to the north-east 46 KAMBUJA-DESA of Cambodia. 1 It is perhaps possible to locate definitely the capital of this kingdom. According to the History of the Sui dynasty the capital of Chen-la was close to a hill called Leng-kia-po-po on the summit of which there was a temple. To the east of the town lived a spirit named Po-to-li to which human sacrifice was offered. The Chinese name of the hill can easily be restored as Lingapar- vata, which according to Ins. No. 33 (V. 4) was the ancient name of the Vat Phu Hill. The Chinese name of the spirit may be derived from the first two letters of Bhadresvara, the presiding deity of Vat Phu. An inscription (No. 170) also refers to the country of Bhadresvaraspada as included in the Visaya of Sre^thapura. There can be hardly any doubt, therefore, that Srethapura, the capital of the earliest kingdom of Kambuja, was in the immediate neighbour- hood of Vat Phu. 2 It may be legitimately inferred from what has been said above that Kambuja was civilised by the Hindu immigrants who had possibly come at different times and set up different kingdoms, all of which at first acknowledged the suzerainty of Fu-nan. Sruta- varman, the first historical king of Kambuja known to us, evidently united some of these petty states into a powerful kingdom and freed it from the yoke of Fu-nan. Srethavarman succeeded his father Srutavarman and ruled as a powerful king at Sre^thapura near Vat Phu. The statement in the Baksei Camkron Ins. (No. 89) that the kings of this family delivered Kambu from bondage requires further elucidation. There can be hardly any doubt that the bondage refers to the suzerainty of Fu-nan. But who delivered Kambu from the yoke of Fu-nan? He may be either Srutavarman or Sre$iavarman or one of his successors of whom nothing is known. But the independence seems to have been achieved before a new dynasty founded by Bhavavarman succeeded them in Kambuja. The Ta Prohm Ins., referred to above, mentions this kin Bhavavarman as lord of Bhavapura, and he is expressly stated to be the founder of a line of kings. This is corroborated by V. 5 of the Ang Chumnik Ins. (No, 27) which says that he got his king- dom by his own prowess (sva-sakty- III. pp. 18-19, 23-24. 4. The account given in the History of the Sui dynasty is translated by M, Abel Remusat in Nouveaux Melanges Asiatique, Vol. I, pp. 77 ff. (Paris 1829). It refers to the period 589-618 A.D. All subsequent references to Chinese Chronicles, unless otherwise stated, are from this work. 48 KAMBUJA-DESA "It is situated to the south-west of Lin-yi (Champa). It was originally a vassal state of Fu-nan. The family name of the king was Ksatriya. His personal name was Citrasena. His ancestors had gradually increased the power of the kingdom. Citrasena made himself master of Fu-nan. He died. His son Isanasena succeeded him. He inhabited the town of Isana". The same text adds that the first embassy from Chen-la came in 616 or 617 A.D. and it was obviously sent by Isanasena. Another Chinese text Nan-che tells us that the king Ksatriya Isana, at the beginning of the period Cheng-kuan (627-649 A.D.), conquered Fu-nan and took possession of the kingdom. 5 The discrepancy in the Chinese texts, one attributing the con- quest of Fu-nan to Citrasena and the other to his son Isana, may perhaps be best reconciled by supposing that the conquest of Fu-nan was a gradual process. The struggle with Fu-nan must have com- menced even before the reign of Citrasena, for the History of the Sui Dynasty states that the power of the kingdom of Chen-la was increased by his ancestors. The only reasonable and natural in- ference from -all these is that Bhavavarman began to aggrandise the kingdom of Kambuja at the -expense of Fu-nan, and his two successors, viz., his brother Citrasena or Mahendravarman and the latter's son Isanasena or Isanavarman, completed the conquest of the country. It is probable that Citrasena conquered the nor- thern part of the state, but the capital of Fu-nan was occupied, and that kingdom was finally conquered, by the last named king. 6 It is not difficult now to identify Rudravarman, the first king and predecessor of Bhavavarman in the succession list furnished by the Ang Chumnik Inscription. As we have seen above, Rudra- varman is the name of tjje last king of Fu-nan mentioned in the Chinese chronicles, and his last known date is 539 A.D. As Bhava- varman was removed by one generation from his predecessor Rudravarman, and as Isanavarman, the son of his brother, was on the throne before 617 A.D., there can be hardly any doubt that king Rudravarman, served by the two physicians Brahmadatta and Brahmasimha, as mentioned in the Ang Chumnik Ins., was the king of Fu-nan of that name. 5. BEFEO. Ill, p. 275. 6. This has been treated with fuller details in Lecture II, Cf. also BEFEO XXVIII, 130, THE RISE OF KAMBUJA-DESA 49 Thus on the basis of the epigraphic and Chinese data we may reconstruct the history of the dynasty of Bhavavarman somewhat as follows: Some time about the middle of the sixth century A.D. Bhava- varman acquired the throne of Kambuja and considerably increased its power and extent. His brother Mahendravarman, who succeeded him, led many military expeditions against Rudravarman, the king of Fu-nan. He succeeded in conquering nearly the whole of the kingdom and probably even seized its capital. Rudravarman, or his successor who was then on the throne of Fu-nan, fled to the south and his dynasty continued to rule over a petty state in the extreme south of Cambodia with a new capital city. But the struggle bet- ween the two powers continued during the reign of Isanavarman, the son and successor of Mahendravarman. Isanavarman finally extinguished the kingdom of Fu-nan, probably about 630 A.D. Having thus definitely laid down, in outline, the course of events by which the vassal state of Kambuja came to take the place of the old kingdom of Fu-nan, we may now proceed to discuss its history in some details. It is evident that there were two separate royal dynasties one founded by Srutavarman, and the other by Bhavavarman. The first dynasty at first acknowledged the suzerainty of Fu-nan, but seems later to have achieved the independence of the kingdom. But it was under the second dynasty that Kambuja became great and powerful and ultimately took the place of Fu-nan as suzerain of the whole of Cambodia. Of the two kings Srutavarman and Srcsthavarmart of the first dynasty we know but little. Nor do we know how they were con- nected with Bhavavarman who was the real founder of the second dynasty. That there was some connection may be presumed from the qualifying expression 'Srutavarma-mula' applied to the kings of Kambuja. This general reference to Srutavarman, as the com- mon ancestor of the Kambuja kings, is corroborated by the fact that even king Jayavarman VII, who ruled towards the close of the twelfth century A.D., claims to have been descended from Sres- thavarman, the supreme king of l&resthapura (No. 177, vv. 6-7) . King Udayadityavarman I is also said to have been descended through his mother from the family of Sresthapura (No. 117 v. 5) . The Ta Prohm Ins. (No. 177) seems to throw some light on the relation between the two dynasties. After referring to Sre^thavar- 7 50 KAMBUJA-DEA man in v. 7 it devotes the next verse to the eulogy of a lady, born in his maternal family (tadlye mdtr~kiil-amburas(iu) , She is called Kambu ja-raja-laksml. This has been taken as a proper name- but must be regarded as a very unusual one. It may be also taken as a descriptive epithet, though in that case we have to assume that the personal name of the lady is not mentioned. The next verse, i.e., v. 9, refers to Bhavavarman as 'bhartd bhuvo Bhavapure' and 'avamndra-kula-prasuteh kartta,'. These two expressions may mean no more than that Bhavavarman was the lord of Bhavapura and the founder of a royal family, but may also contain a veiled allu- sion to the fact that he was the husband of the lady. If some relationship did not sulr-i'rt between. Bhavavarman and this lady, it is difficult to account for the insertion of v. 8 between the eulogy of Sresthavarman in v. 7 and that of Bhavavarman in v. 9. If there was any relationship, the expressions referred to above would certainly favour the hypothesis that Bhavavarman was the husband of this lady. This hypothesis is supported by another consideration. The Ta Prohm Ins. (No. 177) compares 6resthavarman to the sun and Bhavavarman to the moon, while the Baksei Camkron Ins. (No. 89) claims that the lineage of Kambu Svayambhuva brought about the alliance of the solar and lunar races. A consideration of all the facts leads to a reasonable inference that the families of Srutavar- rnan and Bhavavarman were connected by marriage, even though we may not regard Bhavavarman as the husband of the lady called Kambuja-raja-laksml. The original kingdom of Kambuja must, as noted above, have comprised the region of Bassac along the river Mekong where it emerges from Laos into Cambodia proper, the capital city, Srestha- pura, being situated near the modern sanctuary of Vat Phu. This was the early seat of the Kambuja rulers traditionally associated with Kambu Svayambhuva. With Bhavavarman, there is not only a change of capital city to Bhavapura, but also a break in that tradi- tion. Bhavavarman, Mahendravarman and their successors make no allusion either to Kambu or to Sresthapura, but describe them- selves, like kings of Fu-nan, as descendants of Kaundinya and Soma. It has been suggested 7 that this was a clever political move en their part in order to make themselves appear as the legitimate heirs of the kings of Fu-nan. Perhaps the same motive also im- pelled them to build numerous religious sanctuaries in the southern 7. BEFEO. XVIII. No. 9. p. 3. THE RISE OF KAMBUJA-DEgA 51 regions. In any case it was not till the reign of Jayavarman II in the ninth century A.D. that the kings of Kambuja again refer to the old tradition of Kambu, gresthapura, Suryavamsa etc. As by that time the glory of Fu-nan was a thing of the remote past, and the political centre of Kambuja was shifted far to the north, it was perhaps no longer necessary to recall its traditions. This explanation is no doubt a plausible one, but does not carry immediate conviction. It is equally possible that Bhavavar- man was more intimately connected with the kings of Fu-nan than we yet know, and" that may be the reason why he and his successors carried on the old traditions of that kingdom. As noted above, he founded a new kingdom. Several records refer to his grandfather as 'sarvabhauma' Le., a suzerain or emperor, but there is no evi- dence that his father Viravarman was ever a reigning king. It has been suggested, with some degree of plausibility, that the suze- rain was no other than Rudravarman, king of Fu-nan, whose name heads the list of kings in the Ang Chumnik Ins. referred to above. According to this theory the death of Rudravarman was followed by a disputed succession between two princes, one living at Fu-nan, ?nd the other, Bhavavarman, who got the kingdom of Kambuja aB his r.ppanage. Ultimately Bhavavarman got the better of his rival, and his successors finally extinguished the main line of kings at Fu-nan and ruled over the whole country. This theory 8 no doubt lacks definite proof, but certainly offers an explanation of the change of traditions which is hardly less plausible than the one mentioned above. It also offers a better explanation of v. 16 of Ins. No. 89 which refers to 'kings beginning with Rudravarman' as succeeding the royal line of Srutavarman. Without pursuing any further the speculative hypothesis re- garding the relation of Bhavavarman with the dynasty of 6rutavar- man of Kambuja on the one hand and the royal family of Fu-nan on the other, we may now proceed to reconstruct his history on the basis of epigraphic evidence. As regards his ancestry, it has been incidentally mentioned above that he was the son of Viravar- man and the grandson of Sarvabhauma, This we know from six records (No. 11) which are nearly identical, and commence with the following verse about Mahendravarman. Naptd sn-Sarvabhaumasya siiniis^sri-Viravarmanah $aktya~nilno kanistho<~pi bhrdtd srl-Bliavavarmandh \\ 8. BEFEO. XXVIII, pp. 130-31. Melange Sylvatn Levi, pp. 210-11; BCAI, 1911, p. 36, 52 KAMBUJA-DESA It means that Mahendravarman was the grandson of Srl-Sarva- bhauma, the son of Viravarman, and the youngest brother of Bhavavarman, although not inferior to the last in prowess. That Bhavavarman was the son of Viravarman is also known from Ins. No. 9 which refers to the wife of the donor as a daughter of Viravarman and sister of Bhavavarman. It is worthy of remark that in both the cases Viravarman is mentioned without any royal title. This raises some doubts about the view, mentioned above, which seeks to interpret the word Sri Sarvabhauma as suzerain instead of taking it as a personal name of his grandfather. The prefix Sri seems to indicate it as a personal name, 9 and the context in which it occurs is undoubtedly in favour of this interpretation. On the other hand it must be admitted that this is rather an unusual name for a person (though names like Acarya Vidya-Vinaya (No. 22) are not less so), and the absence of a name-ending like Varman is also against this view. On the whole the question must be left open. The history of Bhavavarman's reign has been usually recon- structed on the basis of Inscriptions Nos, 5-9 all of which mention king Bhavavarman but do not contain any date. As no other king of this name was known until the discovery of Ins. No. 24, all the five inscriptions were referred to Bhavavarman, the founder of this dynasty, and very important conclusions were drawn from them about his life and reign. As usually happens, these have not been seriously questioned even after the discovery of the Ins. No. 24 which definitely establishes the existence of a second king of that name who flourished more than a century after his namesake. Thus it is generally concluded from the findspots of these five inscriptions that Bhavavarman was a great conqueror and extended his king- dom up to the province of Battambang in the west (No. 7) . This would mean that he was master of nearly the whole of Cambodia with the possible exception of a small strip of territory to the south. This is hardly consistent with the Chinese -account which attributes to Mahendravarman and his son the conquest of the kingdom of Fu-nan which comprised at least a large part of these territories, if not the whole of them. It is no doubt possible to reconcile the Chinese account with the epigraphic data by arguing that Bhava- varman conquered all the outlying possessions of Fu-nan leaving to his successors the task of finally subjugating the small kingdom 9. Coeds also holds this view (BEFEO, XXII, 58-59). THE RISE OF KAMBUJA-DE3A 53 of Fu-nan proper. But the fact remains that we have no right to assume that Bhavavarman I really exercised sovereignty over such a vast area. For some of the inscriptions at any rate might belong to the reign of Bhavavarman II As a matter of fact Ins. No. 9 alone can be definitely assigned to the reign of Bhavavarman I, from the mention of his father's name, but the remaining four might belong to the reign of either of the two kings bearing the name Bhavavarman. Palaeography is not of much help in distinguishing the records of the two kings, for as Coedes has rightly pointed out, the essential features of the'Kambuja alphabet remained unaltered up to the time of Jayavarman I. Nevertheless he has suggested from certain characteristics in the style of writing that the Ins. Nos. 7 and 8 should be attributed to Bhavavarmau II, 10 and even this would take away the evidence for the southern limit of the kingdom of Bhavavarman I, referred to above. All that, therefore, we can definitely say is that Bhavavarman ruled in the north- eastern part of Cambodia where Ins. No. 9 was found. The inscrip- tions Nos, 5, 6, 8 describe the virtues and prowess of the king in the most extravagant manner and in a high-flown kavya, style in right Indian fashion. But beyond denoting the limits of the king- dom they yield very little historical infoiTnation. The Han Chey Ins. (No, 8) gives him the title Maharajadhiraja and says that he has violated the honour of the Aila race only inasmuch as he has, by his prowess, exceeded the limits of their territories (v. A. 17). It refers to his conquest of hill-forts (v. B. 5) and adds that 'enemies, although not vanquished in battle, are attracted by his influence and bow down at his lotus feet with the offer of princely fortune' (v. A. 13). But as already noted above, it is doubtful whether the Han Chey Ins, is to be attributed to Bhavavarman I or Bhavavarman II. There is some uncertainty about the successor of Bhavavarman I. The Chinese evidence, and other epigraphic records, noted above, seem to suggest that Bhavavarman was succeeded by his brother Citrasena. On the other hand the Han Chey Ins. (No. 8) definitely asserts that the younger son of Bhavavarman peacefully ascended the throne of his father, and the donor mentioned in that record is said to have served under both these kings (v. 22) , This Bhavavarman has been taken to be Bhavavarman I, although, as no- ted above, the identity cannot be regarded as certain. But if we accept JO. BEFEO. IV, p, 54 KAMBUJA-DESA the identity we must hold that Bhavavarman's son had a short reign. It is impossible to say in that case whether he had a natural death at a young age or was killed by his uncle Citra&ena. That such a contingency was not very unlikely is proved by the follow- ing observation in a Chinese account which was recorded not very long after the accession of Citrasena: "The day a new king ascends the throne his brothers are mutilated by their nose or fingers being cut, and they are kept in confinement, each in a separate place". Citrasena Mahendravarman has left us two records. The first of these (No, 10) under the former name has three copies at Cruoy Anphil, Thma kre, and Tham Pet Thong. The second (No. 11) under the latter name is known from six copies (more or less exact) at Chan Nakhon (Phu Bahkon) , Khan Thcvada (2 copies) , Tham Prasat, Muang Surin, and near Keng Tana. It is expressly stated in the second that he was formerly known as Citrasena and assumed the name Mahendravarman at the time of coronation. It may therefore be argued that the first series of records were engraved before he ascended the throne, particularly as no royal epithet is given to him. But it must be pointed out that the Chinese call him Citrasena even after he became king. It may also be doubted if the findspots of these inscriptions were included within the king- dom. But it is certainly more reasonable to hold that they were, and on that hypothesis we may regard the kingdom of Kambuja as having been extended in the south along the Mekong valley up to Thma Kre beyond Sambor, and in the west along the Mun valley up to Tham Pet Thong near the sources of that river in Rajasima district in Siam beyond the Dangrek mountains. Whether these territories were conquered by Citrasena or his predecessors must be left an open question. The inscriptions of Mahendravarman show a further extension of his kingdom to the north along the valley of the Mekong up to the region of Chan Nakhon beyond Basac. But none of his inscriptions has been found to the west of M. Surin which lies considerably to the east of Tham Pet Thong. The Chinese accounts referred to above would indicate that he proceeded further south along the Mekong valley towards Fu-nan, and conquered the capital of that kingdom situated probably at Ba Phnom, but it is difficult to fix the limits of his conquest. The Chinese accounts also enable us to fix the date of Ma- hendravarman within narrow limits. His conquest of Fu-nal and glory. The contemporary Chinese chronicles 21 give a very interesting account of the court and capital of Isanavarman which is quoted below. "After Citrasena's death his son Yi-che-na-sian-tai (Isana- sena or Isanavarman) succeeded him. He lived in a town named Yi-chen-na (Isanapura). This town contained 20,000 houses. At the centre was a grand palace where the king held his court. Three days a week, the king sits in the court, on a seat decorated with five kinds of aromatics and seven kinds of precious stones. A costly canopy like a pavilion is placed over his head. Its columns are of painted wood. The walls are decorated with ivory and flowers of gold. The pavilion looks like a small hanging palace, all shining with gold. Two bowls of gold with the aromatics are carried by two men on two sides of the king. His crown is decorated with pearls and precious stones. His shoes are made of skin of different colours and decorated with ivory. He wears golden ear-rings and is always dressed in white. There are five kinds of high officers and they are dressed like the king. The officers touch the ground three times in front of the throne of the king. The king then commands them to ascend the stairs and having done so they kneel down before the king with folded hands. They are then seated in a circle round the king for discussing state affairs. When the deliberation is over they kneel down, again prostrate themselves and go out. In contrast to the meagre information about administrative system, we possess a fair knowledge about the religion of Kambuja. Most of the inscriptions begin with an invocation to one or more gods and record donations to religious establishments. Taken as a whole they clearly indicate the strong hold of Indian religion on the population. Although Vedic sacrifices are referred to (Nos. 19, 20), the Puranic form of religion, specially the worship of Si' r a, Visnu and the deities associated with them, was undoubtedly more predominant. The most popular god seems to be Siva though the composite deity Siva-Visnu, designated as Sankara-Narayana, Sambhu-Visnu (linga) , Har-achyuta, Hari-Sankara etc,, was also in great favour. Siva is occasionally referred to as the greatest god, whose feet are worshipped by Brhama and Visnu. He is described as a great ascetic and is known by various names 21. History of the Sid Dynasty see f.n. 4 above. $2 KAMBUJA-DESA such as Amratakesvara, Rudra, Vyomesvara, Gambhlre6vara, Nikamesvara, Pihgalesvara, Naimisesvara, Isana, Srivijayesvara, Kedaresvara, Girlsa, gambhu, Tryambaka, Siddhesa, Trisuli, Sankara, Tribhuvanesvara, Nrttesvaxa, Acalesvara, Kadambesvar*, Mahesvara, Utpannesvara or Uppannakesvara, and was mostly worshipped in his Zmga-form. He bore Ganges on the forehead and had moon as his crest jewel His Bull (Nandin) was also regarded as sacred. The goddesses of the Hindu pantheon are not unknown and we have references to Uma, Durga Devlcaturbhuja, Bhagavatl, Laksmi and Sarasvati. Of the various names and forms of Visnu we come across Trailokyasara, Hari, Acyuta and Nara- yana. Reference is also made to fealagrama in a record by engrav- ing a figure of it after the name of the donor Salagramasvarm, Among other deities may be mentioned Yama, Prahantesvara, Candrayananatha, Tilakesvara, Mulasthana, Yajnapatisvara, Gana- pati and Svayambhu (Brahma) . Some of these may be names of Siva or Visnu. Buddhism was also prevalent, though judging by the number of records its influence does not seem to have been very great. According to the Chinese chronicle, however, there were many followers of Buddhism. One inscription refers to three Bodhisatvas, Sasta, Maitreya and Avalokitesvara. The epigraphic evidence is corroborated by the cult images actually discovered in Cambodia, among which mention may be made of Hari-Hara, Siva, Parvati, Nandin (Bull of Siva) , Brahma and Buddha. The images of the deities were placed in temples ruins of which lie scattered all over the country. The temple, near the capital, on the top of a hill, enjoyed special sanctity, and according to Chinese chronicle was guarded by five thousand soldiers. As in India, kings, high officials and even private persons vied with one another in setting up divine images, building temples for them and making endow- ments for the regular performance of their worship. The endow- ments generally consisted of gold, village, land (paddy fields), orchard, servants (both male and female, generally slaves) , beauti- ful women, probably devaddsis (No. 32, v. 22), cattle (cow, buffalo), arecanut and cocoanut trees. There were festivals of citizens in honour of 6iva (No. 22). Frequent reference is made to dsramas and we find already in the seventh century A.D. the beginning of those regulations which, multiplied and codified at a later age, form such a distinctive characteristic of Kambuja sanctuaries. It was, for example, laid down in an edict of Jaya- varman (No. 33) regarding the temple on Lingaparvata (Vat Phu) that no one living there, even if guilty, should be killed, that no THE RISE OF KAMBUJA-DESA 63 one should go wherever he likes in this dsrama of god, use a car, an umbrella or a fly whisk, or bring dogs and fowls, The study of sacred literature is referred to in many inscrip- tions and we hear of Brahmanas proficient in Veda, Vedanga, Samaveda, and Buddhist scriptures, and even ministers with a profound knowledge of Dharmasastra. Reference is made to the daily recitation of the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Puraiias (No. 9). The inscriptions reveal a thorough acquaintance of their authors with these works. Ins. No. 36 refers to the gift of a manuscript of Sambhava, a work of Vyasa. There is no doubt that it refers to the section of Adi- parva of Mahabharata, called Sambhavaparva. Imprecations are invoked against anybody who destroys the manuscript deposited in the temple. Some of the invocations to God indicate that along with popular forms of worship religious philosophy of India was culti- vated to a high degree. Reference is made to the attainment of 'Brahmapada,' or Niruttam Brahma as spiritual goal of life. Promi- nence is given to the all-pervading character of Siva whose eight bodies (asta tanu) consist of the moon, sun, sky, air, the atman, earth, water and fire. The invocation to Siva in Ins, No. 4 illus- trates Vedantic Saivism in which Siva is identified with Paramdt- man, or the Absolute of the Upanishads. The spiritual doctrine of the cessation of desire for the fruit of karma (action) as laid down in the Bhagavadgita is also echoed in it. A short record Om Jaiminaye svahd, 22 shows the great rever- ence for Purva-Mlmamsa, and probably indicates that its author was regarded as a deity and regularly worshipped. Some peculiar religious ideas of India are also met with. It is said of a royal official that he gratified the gods by Sivayajna, the ascetics by study, and the manes by the water offered by good sons (No. 27, v. 23). Reference is also made to ftrthas (holy places) and merits of pilgrimage. The Saiva Pasupata sect evi- dently wielded great influence, and an inscription refers to its dcdrya Vidyapuspa as a poet and versed in various branches of philosophy (No. 6). 22. BEFEO. XXVIII, p. 43, 64 KAMBttJA-DESA Some debased forms of Saiva religion were also prevalent. According to the Chinese chronicle there was a temple to the east of the capital city, guarded by thousand soldiers, where the king went every year to sacrifice a human being. The Puraiiic myths and legends were also very familiar and the inscriptions abound in allusions to them. There are references to the churning of the ocean; the Kailasa; the Udayagiri; Kartika as general of the gods; dharma. crippled in Kaliyuga; the burning of the cupid; sacred character of tlrthas (including hills) ; lunar and solar races; Arun- dhatl, the ideal wife; Sesanaga, supporting the earth; Indra, the wielder of thunderbolt, and with thousand eyes, clipping the wings of mountains and performing hundred sacrifices (No. 20) ; Manu the first king; Dillpa as an ideal king; Asvini as the divine physician etc., etc. The secular literature was also regularly studied, and the ins- criptions refer to many of its branches such as Sabda, Vaisesika, Nyaya, Samiksa (Sankhya?) and Arihasastra. The Kavya formed a favourite subject of study, and even a minister is described (No. 27) as having drunk the nectar of poetry (a pita- kavita-rasah) , The Saka era was exclusively used and the expressions denot- ing date show a thorough acquaintance with the astronomical system of India. Reference is made to a governor, proficient m astrology (bhojakapravara No. 20). The inscriptions themselves furnish the best testimony to the assiduous cultivation of Sanskrit language and literature in Kam~ buja. Many of them are fairly long poems written in rich kdvya style and show high proficiency in the knowledge of Sanskrit grammar, vocabulary, idiom, rhetoric, prosody, metre and poetic conventions and styles. That the classical works in Sanskrit were regularly studied is evident from the use of familiar similes, com- parisons and allegories in the inscriptions, and it would be difficult to distinguish them from the prasastis composed in India. Judged by any standard, the writings of the Kambuja scholars must be regarded as no mean contribution to Sanskrit literature, As regards society, Indian institutions exercised great influence but were partially modified by indigenous ideas and customs. Of the caste divisions we find mention only of BrahmarjLas and K$atriyas. Reference is made to Brahmanas who were proficient in Veda and Vedangas and whose family for generations served as hotars (sacrificial priests). But even members of this family, as THE RISE OF KAMBUJA-DEA 65 also of others, served in various offices of state, both civil and mili- tary. There thus seems to have been no rigidity of caste-rule as regards occupation. Inter-marriage between Brahmana and Ksatriya seems to have been a normal custom. The sister of king Bhavavarman, for example, was married to a Brahmana named Somasarman, proficient in Samaveda, and the issue of this marriage was Hiranya-varman, indicating the use of the epithet Varman in a Brahmana family. The Brahma-ksatra vaihsa is referred to in an inscription of the eighth century A,D. (No. 49), The reference to Bhavavarman's sister as 'pativrata* and dharmaratd (devoted to husband and religion) like a second Arun- dhati indicates that the high Indian ideal of womanhood was carried to these colonies. The great prominence given to sister's sons in several inscriptions (Nos. 27, 30) seems to indicate the prevalence of matriarchy, though nothing can be definitely asserted on this point. 23 Unfortunately the inscriptions do not throw much light on the life of the common people. The Chinese chronicle, however, gives us a lot of interesting information about it, The following extracts from the History of the Sui dynasty describe the manners and customs of the people of Kambuja at the beginning of the seventh century: [Marriage]: 'They present the bride a robe. The families of bridegroom and bride stay for 8 days at home and keep lamps burning day and night. After marriage the husband takes a portion of his ancestral property and lives in a separate house with his wife'. [Funeral ceremony]: 'The children of the deceased do not eat or shave for seven days and utter loud cries. The relations, with the priests and priestesses, carry the dead with prayers and music, burn the body with all kinds of aromatic woods, put the ashes in an urn of gold and silver and throw it in a big river. The poor use earthen jar painted in different colours. Sometimes they do not burn the body but leave it in the hills to be devoured by beasts'. [Epidemics]: 'To prevent epidemics, sacrifices are offered beyond the western gates of the town by killing pigs, bulls and lambs 23. Later inscriptions of Kambuja refer more directly to the succession through females, a custom still prevalent in Laos (Corpus, pp. 124-126, 179-80). & KAMBUJA-DE&A of white colour. They believe that otherwise grains will not ripen, domestic animals will die and large number of people would fall victim to epidemic'. [General nature and habits]: 'The men are short and have a dark complexion. But there are white women. The people dress their hair and wear ear-rings, They consider the right hand as pure and the left impure. Every morning they make ablutions, cleanse teeth by small pieces of branches of trees, read books, say prayers, again make ablution, take food, cleanse teeth after meal, and again say prayers. Their food includes a large quantity of butter, cream, sugar and millet (in the form of cake or bread) . Before meal they take some morsels of roasted meat with bread, which they eat with a little salt'. The following statement about Kambuja, in the History of the T'ang dynasty, probably refers to the seventh century: 'The houses are all turned towards the east. They welcome the guests with areca, camphor and perfumes, for they do not drink publicly but only with their own wives at home avoiding the presence of parents'. In spite of the fragmentary nature of the information we have culled above from the Chinese chronicles and epi graphic evidence, the dominance of Indian influence in the development of culture and civilisation in Kambuja is clearly manifest. This is only what could be expected in a country colonised by the Indians. It may be safely presumed that they maintained regular contact with their motherland. The king Isanavarman, for example, is specifically referred to in an Inscription (No, 16) to have relations with India. But the most striking evidence of a continuous contact with India and of her serving as the perennial spring which fed the fountain of Indian culture in Kambuja is furnished by the development of Indian art in that far-off colony, to which a brief reference has already been made in the last lecture, LECTURE IV, THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE KAMBUJA KINGDOM SECTION 1. THE DARK PERIOD The seventh century A.D. witnessed the rise of Kambuja as a great political power and a flourishing centre of Hindu culture and civilisation. But its history during the eighth century A.D. is shrouded in darkness and obscurity. A few isolated epigraphic data and a brief account preserved in the Chinese chronicles enable us to form a very vague idea of its general condition, but it is impossible to give any connected outline of its political history during the century following the reign of Jayavarman I, the last known king who ruled over the kingdom founded by Bhavavarman i. The only certain information that we may derive is that the mighty and extensive kingdom over which the dynasty of Bhavavar- man ruled had been divided into a number of states, and we possess the names of a few of them and some of their rulers. But the location of these states and the names and order of succession of their rulers, far less their activities, cannot be definitely ascertained. The eighth century A.D. may thus be justly described as the dark period of the history of Kambuja, fortunately the only dark period in its almost unchequered history of thousand years. All that we can do, so far as this period is concerned, is to bring together such evidences as we possess and try to correlate them as far as available materials permit. According to the Chinese annals of the Tang Dynasty, shortly after 705-706 A.D., i.e. at the beginning of the eighth century A.D., Chen-la or Kambuja was divided into two states, viz., Kambuja of the land and Kambuja of the water. The former, called also Wen-tan or Po-leu, comprised the northern part of Cambodia, full of hills and valleys, and the latter covered the southern part which bordered on the sea and abounded in lakes and streams. 1 Ma- Tuan-Lin confirms this account and adds that Chen-la or Kambuja of the water had an extent of 800 li and that its king inhabited the town of Po-lo-ti-pa. 2 Until recently the 1. BEFEO. XXXVI, p. l. 2. Ibid, p. 5. 68 KAMBUJA-DESA Chinese account was taken to mean that the Kambuja pro- per was divided into two kingdoms, and attempts were made by various scholars to define the boundaries of, or at least to locate, these two kingdoms which the Chinese so characteristi- cally referred to as Kambuja of land and Kambuja of water. The fact, however, appears to be that by Chen-la or Kambuja of the land the Chinese referred to a kingdom to the north of Kambifj!? proper, including a great part of Laos and touching the Chinese province of Tonkin and the Thai kingdom of Yunnan. This kingdom maintained diplomatic relations with China and sent an embassy to the Imperial court in 717 A.D. But five years later we find this kingdom sending an army to help Mei Hiuan-Cheng, the frontier chief of Nghe-an in Annam who had revolted against the Chinese emperor and was joined by several other chiefs of hilly regions. The Kambuja army joined the rebel chief of Annam and defeated the Chinese forces. 2a This incident shows that the northern Kambuja kingdom was a fairly powerful one. The friendly relations of the kingdom with China were, how- ever, soon restored, and an embassy was sent in 750 A.D. In 753 A.D. the son of the king visited the Chinese Court with a retinue of 26 persons and accompanied the Chinese military expedition against Nan-chao. In 771 the king Po-mi paid a visit to the Chinese Emperor. The last embassy to China was sent in 799 A.D. In spite of these frequent references, the Chinese accounts do not enable us to precisely determine the location of the king- dom. It appears, however, from the itinerary of Kia Tan, that in the eighth century the nominal suzerainty of China was extended as far as Labs, and Wen-tan, or Kambuja of the land, touched the Chinese province of Tonkin. This indicates that Wen-tan extended along the middle course of the Mekong. 3 As regards Chen-la of water or the Kambuja proper we know the names of a few kingdoms and their rulers from the inscriptions of king Yasovarman who flourished towards the close of the ninth rentury A.D. These records begin with a genealogical account of the king the first part of which may be summed up as follows: 4 "There was a descendant of the lord of Aninditapura, Sri Puskaraksa by name, who obtained the kingdom of Sambhupura. 2a. BEFEO. XVIII, No. 3, pp. 29-30. 3. BEFEO, IV. pp. 211-12, 4. Corpus, p. 364, THE KAMBUJA KINGDOM 8* Rajenrlravarman, who was born in the family of this king and whose mother was descended from the suzerains (adhirdja) of Vyadhapura, also ruled in Sambhupura". The first part of this genealogy is further elucidated by that of Rajendravarman given in Pre-Rup Ins. (No. 93) and Mebon Ins. (No. 89A). According to these, Puskaraksa was the son of king Nrpatlndravarman who was descended from Sarasvati, the sister's daughter of Baladitya, king of Aninditapura and a descen- dant of Kaundinya and Soma. These relationships may be shown by the following genealogical table: 5 Kaundinya= Soma Baladitya D I SarasvatfcVisvarupa Nrpatlndravarman I Puskaraksa Of the three kingdoms mentioned in this extract the location of Sambhupura admits of no doubt. It is represented by modern Sambor on the Mekong, 6 As regards Vyadhapura, Aymonier's identification of it with Ankor Borei in the province of Prei Krebas held the ground till Coedes demonstrated that it was more probably situated at the foot of the hill called Ba Phnom and possibly this kingdom repre- sented that of ancient Fu-nan. 7 The site of Aninditapura is not definitely known, but according to Coedes it must be looked for in the region east of Angkor on the north side of the Great Lake (Tonle Sap). 8 The somewhat curious and pompous genealogy of Yasovarman, recorded at length in identical words in a large number of his inscriptions (Nos. 60-63), is an elaborate attempt to connect that ruler, however remotely, with the three ruling families of Kambuja. Whatever historical truth there may be in this genea- 5. Inscriptions, pp. 74-75. 6. Aymonier, I, p. 309. 7. BEFEO. XXVin. pp. 127-131, 8. Ibid, p, 133. 70 KAMBUJA-DESA logical pedigree, these official documents leave no doubt that to- wards the close of the ninth century A.D., when they were drawn up, the three royal families of old times occupied a position of eminence in the memory of the people. The first question, therefore, that arises in this connection is whether there is any independent evidence that Sambhupura, Aninditapura and Vyadhapura flourished as independent kingdoms in the eighth century A. D. Following the interpretation of Yasovarman's records by Ber- gaigne it is generally held thai Rajendravarman, the great-grand- father of Yaovarman, married the heiress of the kingdom of Vyadhapura and thus added that kingdom to his own. But this interpretation is not justified by the language of the records which merely says that Raj endravar man's wife was descended from the suzerains of Vyadhapura. 9 If we uphold the identification of Vyadhapura with the old kingdom of Fu-nan, the reference to it in Yasovarman's genealogy might mean no more than a claim to have been descended from the old royal family of Fu-nan which ruled over Cambodia till the middle of the sixth century A.D. Further, we should remember that the term udhiraja (suzerain), applied to the rulers of Vyadhapura, would bo more appropriate to the king of old Fu-nan, than to the local ruler of a petty state. It is, therefore, difficult to admit the existence of Vyadhapura as a kingdom in the eighth century A.D. on the basis of evidence so far available to us. 10 We are perhaps more fortunate in the cases of the other two kingdoms. An inscription (No. 48) discovered at Prah That Kvan Pir, and dated in 638 Saka (=716 A.D,), states that one Puskara had a god Puskaresa consecrated by the ascetics and Brahmans. This Puskara has been identified with Puskaraksa, 11 mentioned in the genealogical accounts of Yasovarman and Ilajendravarman, who was a descendant of Baladitya, king of Aninditapura, and obtained (probably by marriage) the kingdom of Sambhupura. The existence of these two kingdoms in the eighth century A.D., and even earlier, may thus be provisionally admitted. If the genealogical account of Yasovarman is to be fully believed, we must hold that these kingdoms were united, 9. Ibid, p. 126 .n. (2). 10. Ibid, p. 130. 11. BEFEO. IV, p. 214. THE KAMBUJA KINGDOM 1l temporarily or permanently we cannot say, in the first half of the eighth century A.D. Three inscriptions 12 found in Cochin-China throw further light on this question. One of them, found at Thap Musi, refers to the installation of (an image or temple of) god Srl-Puskarak^a by king Sambhuvarman. The temple of Puskaraksa is also referred to in the second inscription found in the same place which records the installation of an image of Puspavatasvami in the sanctuary of Mulasthana. The third inscription found at the foot of the hill Nui Ba-the, in the district of Lon-Xuyen, refers to the construction of a brick temple on the top of the hill for the Vardhamana-Linga (of 6iva) for increasing the religious merit of king Sri Nrpaditya. Now, there can be no question that both Sambhuvarman and Nrpaditya, whose records have been found in Cochin-China, ruled in what the Chinese call Kambuja of the water. The name-ending dditya of the second king, in contrast to the varman, almost universally found in Kambuja, may indicate his association with Baladitya king of Aninditapura, referred to above. If we presume ^uch a connection, the kingdom of Aninditapura may be regarded as corresponding to the Kambuja of the water. Po-lo-ti-po, the capital of the latter, according to the Chinese Annalb, may then be restored as Baladityapura after the name of Baladitya. But what- ever one might think of this, it is less difficult to connect gambhu- varman with Sambhupura, on the analogy of other towns named after the king, such as Bhavapura, gresthapura, Isanapura, etc. The fact that inscriptions of both Sambhuvarman and Nrpa- ditya are found in the same region naturally connect these two kings, and if we accept the hypothesis that the latter was connected with Baladitya, we may find here a confirmation of the statement in the records of Yaso varman, referred to above, according to which Puskaraksa united the two kingdoms of Aninditapura and Sambhupura. Further, it is interesting to note that two of the three inscriptions in Cochin-China referred to above mention the God Puskaraksa, who may after all owe this designation to the king of that name, who would thus be closely related to the other two kings, as suggested in the records of Yasovarman. Thus although no definite conclusion is possible, we may accept, as a provisional hypothesis, that shortly after the death of 12. For the text of these inscriptions and the inferences drawn from them cf. BEFEO. XXXVT nn * ff 72 , KAMBUJA-DE6A Jayavarman I, Kambuja was split up into two kingdoms with Sambhupura and Aninditapura respectively as their capitals. The fact that the rulers of Aninditapura regarded themselves as des- cended from Kaunclmya and Soma, shows that the old traditions of Fu-nan, carried over by Bhavavarman and his successors, were still continued, and for all we know there might have been some sort of relationship between the royal family of Aninditapura and that of Bhavavarman, Unfortunately we possess no detailed account of any of the two kingdoms of Sambhupura and Aninditapura. In addition to the names of kings, mentioned above, who ruled over these kingdoms, in the eighth century A.D., the records of Yasovarman and his father Indravarman furnish names of other kings as will be noted in connection with their history, 13 But when and where they ruled, it is difficult to say. The names of a few other kings are supplied by a Khmer inscription dated 725 S. (803 A.D.) (No. 50). It re- fers to a religious endowment by the queen Jyestharya, and names, as her ancestors, the king Jayendra, the queen Nrpendradevi and the king Sri Indraloka. As the inscription is engraved on a temple at Sambor, these tailers may be regarded as kings of Sambhupura. Attempts have been made to identify the two kingdoms of Kambuja, referred to in the Chinese annals, with those mentioned in epigraphic records. Until recently it was generally held that the kingdom of Sambhupura corresponded to the Kambuja of land, and that of Vyadhapura, to the Kambuja of water of the Chinese chronicles. Coedes, however, dissented from this view and at first identified the last with Aninditapura. He now holds that the Kambuja of water more probably corresponded to the kingdom of Aninditapura, united with that of Sambhupura, while Kambuja of land denoted the territory north of Dangrek moun- tains. 14 Whatever we might think of these theories, there is no doubt about the fact that during the eighth century A.D. Kambuja had lost the unity and solidarity which were imparted to it by the con- quests of Bhavavarman and his successors, and was split up into two or possibly more states, none of which was evidently of any considerable power or importance. Such a state of things could, of course, have been brought about by natural causes. But indications are not wanting that the fate of Kambuja was at least partly determined by external events. 13. See pp. 91-92. 14. BEFEO. XXXVI, 1 ft. where the older views, even other than those mentioned in the text, are given with references. THE KAMBUJA KINGDOM 73 The most outstanding fact in the political history of Indo-China and Indonesia in the eighth century A.D. is the rise of the Sailen- dras as a great power. 15 Their empire included Sumatra, Java, Malay Peninsula and a large number of islands in the Indian archi- pelago. There is no doubt that the northern part of Malay Penin- sula constituted a stronghold of their power and thus they were too dangerously near the western frontier of the Kambuja kingdom. Although positive evidence is lacking, there are reasonable grounds to suppose that the Sailendras extended their supremacy over Kambuja. In any case there is no doubt that Kambuja was a vassal state of Java towards the close of the eighth century A.D. when that island itself was at least partially conquered by the Sailendras. As a matter of fact we can trace Javanese influence ovei Kambuja from the beginning of the eighth century A.D. King Safijaya of Java is mentioned in his inscription, dated 732 A.D., as a conqueror of the countries of neighbouring kings. This some- what vague statement is corroborated by a detailed list of con- quests of the king in a literary work. After mentioning conquests in Java and Bali islands, this text refers to his over-seas expedition in course of which he proceeded to the Malaya country and fought with Kemir and other powers. 16 There is no doubt that Kemir stands here for the Khmers or the people of Kambuja. Ordinarily the value of such references may be discounted to a certain extent in view of the well-known tendency of the court-poets to exagge- rate the achievements of their royal patrons. But in this parti- cular instance the record of Kambuja itself supports the theory of a Javanese conquest of Kambuja. For, an inscription in Kambuja (No. 151) which we shall have occasion to discuss in details later, refers to a Kambuja king, who ruled towards the beginning of tho ninth century A.D., as having come from Java and performed a religious ceremony in order that Kambuja might not again be dependent on Java. The dependence of Kambuja on Java during the latter half of 1he eighth century A.D. is also indirectly supported by the refer- ence in the inscriptions of Champa to Javanese naval raids on the coast of Annam as far as Tonkin in the north. An inscription dated 784 A.D. says that in 774 A.D. ferocious people of other 15. Suvaruadvipa, I, Bk. II. Ch. I, 16. Ibid, p. 230. 10 M KAMBUJA-DESA cities came in ships and burnt a temple of Siva at Kauthara (S. Annam) and carried the Mukhalinga of the god. Another inscription dated 799 A.D. states that a temple was burnt by the army of Java coming by means of ships and became empty in the aka year 709 (787 A.D.). The Chinese annals also refer to an in- vasion of the northern part of Annam by the people of Daba, which Maspero identifies with Java, in 767 A,D. These successive naval raids by Java may be taken to indicate some control over the Kambuja kingdom. It is interesting to note in this connection a story recorded by Merchant Sulayman about the Maharaja, king of Zabag, an expression by which the Arab writers meant tho Sailendra Emperor. "It is said that once the Khmer king remark- ed to his minister that he would like to see the head of the king of Zabag before him in a dish. The Maharaja, having heard of this, secretly equipped one thousand vessels full of soldiers and invaded Khmer. The king of Khmer knew nothing of the impending danger until the hostile fleet had entered the river which led to his capital and landed its troops. The Maharaja thus took the king of Khmer unawares, seized upon his palace and cut off his head." 17 The story undoubtedly belongs to the domain of folk-lore but may have been based on a real struggle between Zabag and tho Khmer king- dom of Kambuja. It is needless for our present purpose to discuss whether Sanjaya, the king of Java, belonged to the Sailendra dynasty or not, and whether the naval raids on Champa are to be credited to the Sailendras or to some other kings of Java. It seems to be clear, however, that Java, under either the Sailendras or some other royal dynasty, exercised political supremacy over Kambuja at least for a time during the eighth century A.D. This sufficiently explains the dismemberment of the political fabric that Bhavavarman and his successors had reared in Java. The politi- cal association between Java and Kambuja perhaps also accounts for some of the striking features which we note in the subsequent history of Kambuja, specially the influence of Tantric religion and the great building activities, two features which characterised Java- nese culture at that time. The removal of the capital of Kambuja from the bank of the Mekong river to inland cities might also, not improbably, have been due to the fear of Javanese naval power. But these are all mere speculations for the present, as the history of Kambuja, during this period, is shrouded in darkness and no definite conclusion can be arrived at on these and other analogous points. 17. Ibid, pp. 156-159. THE KAMBUJA KINGDOM 75 SECTION 2. JAYAVARMAN II & III The obccurity which envelops the history of Kambuja for more than a century after the death of Jayavarman I is removed with the accession of Jayavarman II at the beginning of the ninth cen- tury A.D. or shortly before it. The history of Kambuja once more emerges into light, and we can trace her rulers in an unbroken line of succession down to modern times. Kambuja not only becomes free and united but grows in power and prestige till it becomes the nucleus of a mighty empire and the centre of a glorious civilisation whose monuments still excite the wonder of the world, This un- doubtedly accounts for the great honour and esteem in which the name of Jayavarman II was held by posterity even centuries later, when everything else about ancient Kambuja had faded out of memory. This enthusiasm and reverence for Jayavarman II are also shared by modern historians of Kambuja who represent Jayavar- man II in brilliant limelight and depict him as a great builder and a powerful conqueror. Some of the most magnificent monuments of Kambuja have been attributed to him and he has been credited \vith brilliant and successful milil3ry campaigns far and wide, But this complacent belief has been somewhat shaken in recent vears by fresh facts brought to light, and it is a task of no mean difficulty now to write a critical account of his life and times in a detached spirit. But this task has to be faced, and the question must be treated at some length, in order tq put the history of Kambuja on a firm foundation. There is not a single record of Jayavarman II. 1 The earliest reference to him occurs in the inscriptions of Yasovarman who ascended the throne nearly half a century after the death of Jaya- varman II. Besides some vague and general expressions about his great power and suzerainty over many kings, these inscriptions (cf. No. 60) contain two facts of historical importance. In the first place the genealogical account contained in them shows that Jaya- varman's grandmother (mother's mother) was a niece (sister's daughter) of king Puskaraksa who, as mentioned above, was the king of Sambhupura and Aninditapura, and Jayavarman's queen was the niece (sister's daughter) of king Rudravarman, Secondly, 1. The Ins of Labok Srot (No. 4, dated 703 S', has been referred to him by Coedes, but this is very doubtful. The point has been discussed later. 76 KAMBUJA-DESA we are told that Jayavarman II fixed his residence on the Mahen- dra mountain. An inscription (No. 93) of Rajendravarman, who flourished half a century after Yasovarman, adds only the name of the father of Puskaraksa, viz. king Sri Nrpatmdravarman. Half a century later still, an inscription of Suryavarman (No. 148) men- tions 724 Saka (802 A.D.) as the date of the accession of Jaya- varman II and gives the name of his queen as Pavitra. 2 It is not till we come to the reign of Udayadityavarman, about the middle of the eleventh century A.D., that we get the only detailed account, that we so far possess, about the life and reign of Jayavarman II, from the Sdok Kak Thorn Ins. (No. 151). In view of the importance of this inscription, not only from the point of view of the history of Jayavarman II, but also as throwing very interesting light on the influence of the royal priests in affairs of state, it is necessary to give a short account of its contents. It is a very long record of 340 lines which contain 130 verses in Sanskrit and 146 lines of prose text in the native Khmer langu- age. Its author was a Brahmana, Sadasiva by name, who was the High Priest of the Royal family and whose ancestors filled the same post from the time of Jayavarman II (802 A.D.) up to the year 1052 A.D. when the record was drawn up. It gives the names of the kings whom they served, and we thus find here not only the royal names from Jayavarman II to Udayadityavarman II in an unbroken line of succession, but also the names of all the High Priests of the Tutelary Deity of Kambuja with a catalogue of the pious works and religious foundations of each of them, and a list of the royal favours in the shape of honours, dignities, grant of lands etc., which each received from his royal patron. Such an interesting history of a sacerdotal family, extending over a period of 250 years, is perhaps without a parallel in the history of India and her colo- nies abroad. This history is first recorded in Sanskrit and then repeated in Khmer with some variations and additional details. The most interesting part of this record, for our present pur- pose, is the account it gives of the establishment of the cult of Devaraja by Jayavarman II and of the first appointment of a High Priest of this cult with a royal decree making the office hereditary in his family. As the whole career of Jayavarman II is narrated 2. Earth infers from an Inscription of Indravarman (No. 56) that Dhara- rundradevi was the name of a queen of Jayavarman II (Corpus, pp. 301-3). His arguments are not, however, convincing. THE KAMBUJA KINGDOM 77 in this connection we may quote the relevant passage in Khmer which runs as follows: "The family was dwelling in the village of Bhadrayogin in the district of Indrapura. Jaynvarman II came from Java to reign in the city of Indrapura. The venerable Guru Sivakaivalya became his royal priest. Then His Majesty left Indrapura, and Sivakai- valya accompanied him .... Having arrived at Visaya Purvadisa he gave lands to 6ivakaivalya and his family who followed him there. He also founded a village called Kuti and assigned it to them. . . . Then His Majesty reigned in the city of Hariharalaya. Siva- kaivalya also settled there with his family Then the king founded the city of Amarondrapura, and Sivakaivalya also settled there for serving His Majesty. Then the king went to reign at Mahendraporvata. Sivakaivalya also resided there. There His Majesty invited a Brahmana named Hiranyadama, versed in magic, in order to perform some Tantric rites so that Kambujadesa might no longer be dependent on Java and have a paramount ruler (cakravartl) of its own. This Brahmana, who came from Janapada (probably in India) , performed some Tantric rites (which are des- cribed in detail) and the worship of Devaraja. He also initiated Sivakaivalya into these rituals and taught him the sacred books dealing with them. Sivakaivalya, in his turn, taught them to all his relations, and the king took a vow to employ only the family of Sivakaivalya and none else to celebrate the worship of Devaraja. Then His Majesty returned to Hariharalaya and reigned there till his death. Sivakaivalya also died during his reign. His Majesty had brought Devaraja to Hariharalaya, and his successors took the god to various capitals which they founded in. course of time, as he was regarded as the protector of the realm." 3 3. It is very difficult to foim a clear and precise idea of the cult of Devaraja, It seems to be the designation of the Finga (of iva) which repre- sented the essence of the royal authority conceived as divine and, being regarded as the tutelary deity, was placed in a temple on the top of a moun- tain, or on the summit of a pyramidal construction, representing Kailasa, the abode of the gods (Melanges, S. Lcm, pp. 200-202). On the other hand indications are not wanting that Devaraja denoted not merely, or not so much, a particular linga, as a ritual or ceremony, Tantrik in character. This, at any rate, seems to follow from the Ins. No. 151, For a full discussion on this point cf. BEFEO XXXIV. pp. 611-16. Bosch holds that a cult similar to Devaraja existed in Java (BEFEO. XXV. p. 391; TBG. LXIV, p. 227). If so, it is probable that Jayavarman II derived his knowledge and inspiration about it from that country where he resided for some time before occupying the throne of Kambuja. 73 KAMBUJA-DESA Leaving aside for the present the question how far we may rely on statements recorded two hundred and fifty years after the events they relate, we shall now proceed to reconstruct the history of Jayavarman on the basis of the data supplied by the above extract. It is obvious at the very outset that Jayavarman II did not inherit the kingdom in a normal way. He resided for some time in Java, for reasons or under circumstances not known to us, and then returned to his native land which was under the domination of a foreign power ruling in Java. He freed the land from the foreign yoke and even went to the length of performing religious rites to ensure the continuity of its newly gained independence. It is pro- bable that he was sent by the suzerain power to rule Kambuja as a vassal chief, and found opportunity to proclaim his independence. But we have no definite information on this point, and other ex- planations are possible. What seems to be certain is that by some means or other he established an independent kingdom in Kambuja. 4 That Jayavarman II did not secure the throne by right of birth seems to follow also from the genealogical accounts of Yasovarman and Rajendravarman to which reference has already been made above. It is true that according to the genealogy both Jayavarnion, and his queen were related to the royal families of Kambuja. For Puskaraksa, the first ancestor of Yasovarman mentioned in these accounts, and who ruled over both Sambhupura and Aninditapura, is said to have been the maternal uncle of the maternal uncle of the mother of king Jayavarman II. The genealogical accounts of Yasovarman further tell us that the mother of the queen of Jaya- varman II was the maternal aunt of king Prthivlndravarman who was the father of Indravarman and grandfather of Yasovarman. But the very fact that even the genealogy drawn up in the royal court could show no better claim to throne either for Jayavar- man II or his queen amounts almost to a positive evidence that he or his queen had no such claim worth mentioning. For nobody can pretend that these relationships, even if accepted as true, would make Jayavarman II the natural or legitimate heir to the throne. It is probable that they were recorded, perhaps even devised, in 4. Maspero (pp. 28-29,) has put forward some suggestions, but they must be regarded as mere hypotheses, THE KAMBUJA KINGDOM 79 later times to give an appearance of legitimacy to the claim of Jayavarman upon the throne of Kambuja which he had actually seized by some means or other. That Jayavarman II did not as- cend the throne by right of heredity may also be concluded from verse 8 of the Phnom Sandak Ins. (No. 69) recorded in 817 S (-=895 A.D.). The royal race to which he belonged is therein described as the great lotus stalk which did not rise from the soil, and he is said to have risen like a fresh lotus for the prosperity of his subjects. Barth has pointed out that this evidently alluded to a change of dynasty, and this view appears quite reasonable. On the other hand a casual reference in Ins. No. 58 (v. 30) to Jayendradhipativarman as maternal uncle of Jayavarman II might indicate some legitimate claim to the throne. We do not know the exact status of Jayendradhipati, nor have we any idea whether he had any male issue, but considering the importance of daughters in matters of succession in Kambuja, Jayavarman II might have some real claim to the throne through his mother. An inscrip- tion (No. 50) dated 803 A.D. records the donations of queen Jyestharya and mentions Jayendra, queen Nrpendradevi and king Srmdraloka. Jayendra may be identified with Jayendradhipati- varman, and as the date falls early in the reign of Jayavarman II, it may be held that the former did not reign long before. In other words, Jayavarman II may be presumed to have had legitimate claim to the kingdom of Sambhupura, the region where this ins- cription was found, as the successor of Jayendradhipativarman. But, howsoever he might have come to the throne, the most important and interesting point is his frequent change of capitals. The location of the towns named is not free from difficulty, and we may briefly refer to the current views on the subject. 5 1. Indrapura. From the data supplied by an inscription found at Phum Mien Coedes locates Indrapura in the district of Khbong Khmum in the Kompong Cham Division. He suggests that the actual site of the town is now represented by Bantay Prei Nokor whose name indicates it to be an ancient royal capital, and the monuments of which, although belonging to the primitive period of Khmer art, shows the influence of classical art in some details. 5. Cf. discussion by Coedes (BEFEO. XXVIII. pp, 113 ff.) and P. Sterii (ibid. XXXVHL pp. 175 ff,) to KAMBUJA-DE6A On the other hand P. Stern locates Indrapura at Baray near Angkor. 2. Kuti, in the Viaya (district) Purvadisa. This was proba- bly situated to the east of Angkor Thorn and Coedes holds, in common with Aymonier, that the name is still preserved in Bantay Kdei, though its famous temple is later in date. 6 3. HariharSlaya.-r Aymonier's identification of this city with Prah Khan, immediately to the north of Angkor Thorn, had been generally accepted. Coedes pointed out that the inscriptions attri- bute a number of monuments to Indravarman who lived in Hari- harfilaya throughout his reign, and that these monuments are all to be found in a group, known as Roluos, 13 miles to the south- east of Angkor. He therefore provisionally located Hariharalaya in this region 7 and traced even a feeble echo of the last part of this name in modern Lolei. This theory has now been fully confirmed by the inscription of Kok Svay Prahm (No. 102). 4. Amarendrapura, Here again Aymonier's identification of this capital with Bantay Chmar (100 miles to the north-west of Angkor Thorn) , and the attribution of the famous monument of that place to Jayavarman II, generally accepted by previous writers, have been challenged by M. Stern and others. Coedes holds the view that although the monument is later than the time of Jayavarman II, the site of Amarendrapura must be looked for in the neighbourhood, i.e., in the northern part of the province of Battambang. 5. Mahendraparvata. Aymoneir identified it with the Phnom Kulen (to the north-west of Angkor Thorn) , but the absence of any monument on the top of this hill led him to place the city of Jaya- varman at the foot of the hill amidst the ruins of Beng Mala. For the same reason Finot proposed its identification with Prah Khan. But the hill top contains some brick towers (Prasat Damrei Krap and a few other small brick buildings) intermediate in style between the primitive Khmer art and that of Indravarman. And this is all that we could expect in the reign of Jayavarman II according to the modern view of the evolution of Khmer art. The & For an account of the locality and its three ancient temples, called KutfSvara, cf . BEFEO. XXXVIL pp. 333 ff. 7. This ia confirmed by the recent archaeological researches (BEFEO, XXXVI. p. 630)* THE KAMBU JA KINGDOM SI location of Jayavarman's city on the top of the Phnom Kulen may, therefore, be accepted. 8 If the above identifications are accepted it would follow that immediately after his return from Java Jayavarman fixed his capital at Indrapura, not far from the ancient royal seat of Sam- bhupura. It is noteworthy that an inscription 9 found near this city records the construction of gates of the temple of the Lord of Sambhupura by four relations of Jayavarman II. It is, therefore, reasonable to conclude that Jayavarman II himself was a native of that region and naturally set up his first capital in its neighbour- hood. But then we find a gradual change of royal seat towards the west, first towards Angkor, then further west towards Battam- bang, and lastly again back to Angkor. Were these changes merely due to royal caprices, or inspired by a desire to find a suita- ble site for the capital of the newly founded kingdom? It is diffi- cult to accept any of these views, though they have found favour with scholars. For all we know it may be a sign of weakness, or indication of troubles which forced the king to take refuge in different parts of the country. Considering the past history of Kambuja, and the almost certain fact that Jayavarman II had no legitimate claim to this kingdom, nothing is more natural than to suppose that his accession to power was not peacefully secured, and he had to pass many years in constant troubles which forced him almost to a nomadic court-life as Coedes very aptly describes it. In any case this is not a less reasonable hypothesis than any of the other two noted above. In that case our view about the life and reign of Jayavarman II would undergo almost a radical change. Instead of regarding him as a grand monarch who united the whole of Kambuja into a powerful kingdom, set up successive capitals in different parts of the kingdom, and endowed them with palaces and temples whose ruins lie scattered in the sites of those cities, we have to look upon him as an adventurer who managed to set up as an independent king but had to strive hard almost the whole of his life to secure the position he had gained against other possible rivals. What has been visualised as a foundation of beautiful capitals, one after another, may be no more than seeking refuge in distant corners of his kingdom against powerful foes. 8. This, too, has been confirmed by recent Archaeological researches (BEFEO. XXXVI. p. 630). 9. Aymonier I 307. 82 KAMBUJA-DESA A somewhat more favourable view is to suppose that the frequent change of capitals was the result of the chaotic political condition of Kambuja at the time of Jaya- varman's return from Java. Perhaps it took him many years to bring the whole kingdom under his control. Beginning with his native kingdom of Sambhupra in the east, he gradually pro- ceeded westwards, and the different capitals may merely indicate the different stages of political consolidation. Ultimately when the whole country was subdued, he fixed his final capital at Harihara- laya in the central part of the kingdom. A possible source of trouble for Kambuja at this period has generally been overlooked by scholars. The Po Nagar Inscription of Harivarman, 10 king of Champa, refers to one of his generals as having ravaged Kambuja and forcibly advanced up to the very heart of the kingdom. This inscription being dated in year 739 Saka, the incident must have taken place at the beginning of the ninth century A.D., i.e. early in the reign of Jayavarman II. It is not impossible, therefore, that the Cham incursions forced Jaya- varman to leave Indrapura and even the Angkor region, and betake himself to the western part of the kingdom. It was only when that menace was over that he could again come back to the Angkor region and spend his last years in his capital Hariharalaya. The final choice of this capital, in place of the old Indrapura, was perhaps also influenced by the same consideration, viz., to remove the seat of the capital from the dangerous neighbourhood of the border of Champa. All these are possible interpretations of the few facts that the record of the priestly family has preserved to posterity and, according as we accept one or the other, we shall have to view the life and reign of Jayavarman II in altogether different lights. Thus if we hold that all the capital cities were in his possession at one and the same time, we must hold that he reigned over the whole of Kambuja, and brought about the unity of the country after the lapse of more than a century. But this has to be considerably modified if any of the other interpretations be accepted. Similar uncertainty prevails about the date of Jayavarman's accession. This is all the more to be regretted as until recently it was definitely fixed at 724 Saka (=802 A.D.) and the scholars re- 10, Champa, Bk. Ill, p. 61; Corpiw, p, 263, THE KAMBUJA KINGDOM 83 garded it as a sheet-anchor in Kambuja chronology. This date is furnished by several inscriptions of Yasovarman and Suryavarman. But the great French scholar Coedes has drawn attention to an inscription in the temple of Labok Srot (No. 49) which was issued in the reign of king Jayavarman and is dated in the year 703 Saka (781 A.D.). Coedes, while first editing the inscription, shared the general view that Jayavarman II came to the throne in 724 Saka, and hence regarded king Jayavarman of this inscription as a diffe- rent king. But he now proposes to take this inscription as belong- ing to the reign of Jayavarman II and thus pushes back th? date 01 his accession by more than twenty years. 11 Coedes reconciles this view with the data of the later inscriptions by interpreting the date 724 Saka furnished by them as that of the establishment ot the capital of Jayavarman II on Mahendraparvata, an event which according to the Sdok Kok Thorn inscription (No. 151) must have taken place many years after his accession to the throne. In view of the great scholarship of M. Coedes and his un- rivalled knowledge of Kambuja history any hypothesis propounded by him commands our respect and attention, But it is difficult to subscribe to his present view about the date of Jayavarman II. For there seems to be hardly any justification for taking 724 Saka as the date of the capital on Mahendraparvata. It is true that the qualifying phrase 'Mahendr-. 21, 1HQ, I, p. 616, THE KAMBUJA KINGDOM 87 The only positive evidence regarding the religious beliefs of Jayavarman II is furnished by the Sdok Kak Thorn Inscription. (No. 151). Sivakaivalya, the royal priest, and the priestly family founded by him, which supplied royal chaplain for two hundred and fifty years, were undoubtedly gaiva and presumalJly the king followed the same religion. The cult which he established as state religion with the help of the Brahmana Hiranyadama seems to be a form of Tantric Saivism. This follows from the detailed descrip- tion of the magic rites contained in the Sdok Kak Thorn Ins. It is said that the Brahmana Hiranyadama performed the ritual as laid down in Vinasikha and consecrated the Devaraja cult He taught Sivakaivalya the four texts known as Vinasikha, Nayottara, Sammoha and Sirascheda. He recited these texts from beginning to end, so that they may be put in writing for the use of Sivakai- valya, and he taught the latter how to conduct the ritual of Deva- raja. Later, \vo are told that these four texts constituted the four faces of Tumburu, Now Dr, P. C. Bagchi has shown 22 that one of the four texts, viz. Nayottara, is definitely known to belong to the Agama proper, i.e., the oldest Saivite canon (which conformed to the Vedas and had not entirely separated from the Vedic religion like the later Saiva sects), and the other three texts belong to the Saiva canon which grew later under its inspiration, These four Tantric texts were authentic Saiva-sastras studied in India in the 7th and 8th centuries A.D. if not earlier, and Tumburu is definitely described in Yoga-Vasistha Ramayana as an aspect of Rudra. These texts were introduced in Kambuja for establishing the rites known as Devaraja, which, therefore, must represent a 6aiva cult. In the Sanskrit text of the inscription the cult is referred to as 'Siddhi* called Devaraja, but it appears from other passages that Devaraja was a phallic representation of Siva. 23 Thus the state-religion established in Kambuja by king Jayavarman II was a form of Tantrik Saivism, which included some mystic rites and was based on the four Saivasastras specified by name. That the king him- self was a follower of the same religion can hardly be doubted. Ho is said in Ins. No. 89 to have performed ten millions (koti) of sacrifices. 22. 1HQ. VI, p. 97. 23. See ante, f.n. (3) above. 88 KAMBUJA-DE&V Jayavarman's decision that the royal priest should be selec- ted from the family of 6ivakaivalya alone was also probably due to the strict adherence to the Saiva aga>nas according to which the Sivacaryas had to be chosen preferably from the Brahmanical families of North Indian origin. Such families with knowledge of Agama-sastras were probably rare in Kambuja and hence the choice was confined to a single family. Parallel instances may be quoted from India. The great Cola king Rajondra Cola is said to have appointed Sarvasiva Pandita Sivacarya as the priest of the Rajarajesvara temple at Tanjore, and ordered that in future his slsyas and their sisyas alone belonging to the Aryadesa, the Madhyadesa and the Gauda-desa shall be eligible for the office of chief priest. The Malla kings of Bhatgaon (Nepal) also had Brah- mins from Bengal as their priests. 24 In any case there is hardly any doubt that the Kambuja Court was strongly influenced by Saivism then prevailing in India, Although there are few specific facts about Jayavarman II which can be said to be established beyond dispute, there is no doubt thai Jaynvrmnan II played an important rolo in the history of Kambuja. He delivered it from foreign yoke, first of Java and then of Champa, and gave the kingdom a unity and solidarity which it had lacked for a century. The Devaraja cult introduced by him remained the official religion for a long period. His final choice of the capital at Hariharalaya was destined to make the region of Angkor famous in the world on account of many grand palaces and temples built there by successive kings. All these explain the eminent position which Jayavarman occupied for cen- turies in the history of Kambuja, a fact testified to by most flatter- ing references to him in a large number of later inscriptions. Most fulsome praise, for example, is bstowed on Jayavarman II in the Phnom Sandak Ins. (No. 69) of the time of Yasovarman. After reference to his beauty and glory in the most extravagant phrases it adds a verse which has a double sense applicable both to the king and the grammarian Panini, and extols the former's know- ledge of the great grammar. Although such phrases generally do not mean much, their occurrence in an inscription long after his death undoubtedly indicates his power and popularity. Even now he is the divine hero of Kambuja which represents him as the son of Indra. The sacred sword of Kambuja, which is still used by the 24. IHQ, VI, p. 100, THE KAMBUJA KINGDOM 89 Kambuja kings at the time of their coronation, and jealously guard- ed by priests who claim descent from the old Brahmanas, is suppos- ed to have been a relic of Jayavarman II who remains the national hero and a great landmark in Kambuja history. 25 Jayavarman II died, as noted before, in 854 A.D. and re- ceived, after death, the name of Paramesvara. This kind of posthumous name was usually formed by adding the word 'loka' or 'pada' to a divine name (Brohma, Visn.u, Siva, Indra etc.). Almost all the successors of Jayavarman II possessed such names, but with one or two exceptions, such name is not associated with any predecessor of Jayavarman II. After the death of Jayavarman II his son Jayavardhana ascended the throne under the name of Jayavarman (III). The inscription of Prasat Cak (No. 53) in the region of Angkor, which refers to the year 791 S (^801) A,D.) as the sixteenth year of his reign, mentions in detail a story of his hunting elephants. Other inscriptions also refer to his capturing elephants and one of them has even preserv- ed the name of the chief of the royal elephant hunters. Except this inordinate passion for elephant hunting we do not know anything about him. He ruled from 854 to c, 877 A.D., and his posthumous name was Visnuloka. With him ends the line of Jayavarman II. According to the Chinese chronicle Man-Chu written in 863 A.D. the Khmer Empire extended in the north to Chen-nan of Nan- chao which most probably corresponded to the northern part of Alavirastra, to the west of Tonkin. 26 As the author gathered his information by a personal visit to these regions in 862 A.D., we may regard it as true of the period of Jayavarman III. It would, therefore, follow that his kingdom included the whole of Laos in the north and almost touched the frontier of Yunnan. Of course it is impossible to say to what extent this is due to his own conquests. For it is likely that Jayavarman II not only united the whole of Kambuja but also added Laos to his dominions, and this would be quite in keeping with the traditional glory of Jayavarman II to which reference has been made above. In any case it is tolerably certain that under Jayavarman II or his son the Kambuja kingdom had developed into a powerful empire. 25. Maspero, p. 31. 26. Et. AS. II, p. 94. 12 90 KAMBUJA-DESA This is corroborated by the Arab writers. Ya'kubl, writing about 875 or 880 A.D., describes the Khmer kingdom as vast and powerful, the king of which receives homage of other kings. 27 Another Arab writer, Ibn Rosteh (903 A.D.), refers to the high standard of administration in the Khmer country. "There are", he says, "eighty judges. Even if a son of the king appears before then* they would judge equitably and treat him as an ordinary complai- nant*" We are further told by the same writer that "the principal revenue is derived from cock-fight which brings the king fifty mans of gold per day". 28 Masudi, who wrote in 943, but evidently got his information from older writers as he repeats a great deal of their accounts, adds that the Khmer troops consist mainly of infantry because their country is full of hills and valleys, rather than plains and plateaus. 29 Several Arab writers bestow high praises on the Khmers for their abstinence from wine and adultery (debauchery). Thus Ibn Khordadzbeh (844-848 A.D.) says: "The kings and peoples of India abstain from drinking of wine but they do not consider adultery is an illicit act, with the sole exception of the Khmer king who forbids both drinking and adultery". 30 This is repeated by Ibn Rosteh (903 A.D.) on the authority of an Arab traveller Abdullah Muhammad bin Ishak who lived in the Khmer country for two years. "During this period," says he, "I have never seen a king more opposed to sexual license and more severe against drinking, for he inflicts capital punishment for both the offences." 31 The same view is recorded by Abu Zayd (c. 916 A.D.). 32 But the kings had large harems. Ibn Al Faklh (902 A.D.) says that the king maintains four thousand concubines, 33 27. Ferrand-Te-rtes, I. p. 48. 28. Ibid, pp. 71, 78. 29. Ibid, p. 93. The passage is, however, translated differently by Dr, S. M. H. Nainar in Arab Geographers' knowledge of Southern India (Univ, of Madras, 1942). According to him "the inhabitants mostly go on foot because their country is full of mountains and valleys, few plains and table lands'* (p. 174). 30. Ferrand Textes, I., p. 28. 31. Ibid, pp. 69-70. 32. Ibid, p. 85. 33. /bid, p, 64. LECTURE V THE RISE OF ANGKOR. With the death of Jayavarman III ended the direct line of Jaya- varman II, and one Indravarman ascended the throne in 799 S' (=877 A.D.) (Nos. 54, 89). He was very remotely related to the queen of Jayavarman II. For we learn from several inscriptions (Nos. 56, 60-2) that his father king Sri Prthivlndravarman was the son of the maternal aunt of the queen of Jayavarman II, and his mother was the daughter of king Sri Rudravarman and daughter's daughter of king Sri-Nrpatmdravarman. King Rudravarman was also the maternal uncle of the queen of Jayavarman II. These relationships will be clear from the genealogical table given below: X Nrpatmdravarman i i r i D D Rudravarman=rD I t I Jayavarman II~D Prthivlndravarman- D I ! Jayavarman III Indravarman Where and when kings Nrpallndravarman, Rudravarman and Prthivlndravarman ruled it is difficult to say. They were either local chiefs ruling before Jayavarman II, or were vassals of the latter. In any case nothing is known of the reign of any of these three. It is difficult, therefore, to judge of the right of Indravarman to the throne of Kambuja, and we are ignorant of the circum- stances under which he came to the throne. It has been suggested that the marriage of Indravarman might hove paved the way for his accession to the throne. According to the genealogical account of Yasovarman (No, 60), Indradevi, the queen of Indravarman, was the daughter of king Mahipativarman, and this Mahipativarman was the son of Rajendravarman and his queen NrpatindradevL The same inscription informs us that Rajendravarman was connected with the royal family of Vyadha- pur a through his mother, and was a descendant of Puskaraksa, who had united the kingdoms of Sambhupura and Aninditapura under his rule. The mother of Indradevi, named Rajendradevl, was descended from a royal family founded by Agastya a Brahmana 92 KAMBUJA-DESA from Aryadesa (i.e., India). These relationships, as well as the connection of Jayavarman II with these families, already explained above, will be clear from the following genealogical table Agastya (a = Brahmana from j India) | Narendravarman Yasomati (a royal princess) Ruler of Vyadhapura i Nar endr alaksm I = Raj apati varraan Nripatlndravarman (Ruler of Aninditapura) Puskaraksa D (also ruler of | ambhupura) D Riijendradevi D - S D I I Rajendiavarman Jayavarman II ( Nrpatlndradevi) (802-854 A.D.) I I MahTpativarman Jayavarman III 1 (854-870 A.D.) Indradevir^Indravarman (ace. 877 A.D.) This genealogy also does not give any clear or uncontestable right of succession to Indravarman through his queen, and raises the same doubt about the position of king Mahipativarman and his predecessors vis a vis Jayavarman II and III. Here, again, we are forced to conclude that the royal ancestors of Indradevi were either local chiefs ruling before Jayavarman II or vassals of the latter and his son. On the whole the genealogies of Indravarman and his queen seem to indicate that in addition to the two kingdoms of Sambhu- pura and Aninditapura there were other local kingdoms in Kam- buja in the eighth century A.D., some of which probably continued as vassal states even during the reigns of Jayavarman II and Jayavarman III. It is reasonable to conclude that Indravarman originally be- longe'd to one of these states, and either the absence of any legiti- mate heir of Jayavarman III or some other circumstances, of which we have no knowledge, enabled him to secure the throne. It may be assumed that he did not rebel against the family of Jayavarman and come to the throne by violent means. For his inscriptions and those of his successors refer to Jayavarman II and III with respect and he appointed as his guru the grandson of the maternal uncle of Jayavarman II (No. 58) . It may be concluded from the epigraphic records that the whole of Cambodia had by this time been consolidated into a happy, rich THE RISE OF ANGKOR 93 arid prosperous kingdom. Indravarman claims in his record (No, 58) that his commands were respectfully obeyed by the rulers of Cma, Champa and Yavadvipa. Such specific claims are not usually met with in the inscriptions of the Kambuja rulers and cannot b'> ignored as mere bombasts or figments of imagination. As regards Champa we have already noted that one of its generals advanced up to the heart of Kambuja and ravaged the kingdom early in the ninth century A,D. We may, therefore, presume that the struggle between the two kingdoms continued practically throughout the ninth century A.D. Indravarman's contemporary on the throne of Champa was a king bearing the same name who probably founded a new dynasty. We do not learn anything form the history of Champa which would either prove or disprove the claim of the Kambuja king. But we find about this time references to diplomatic missions from Champa to Java, 1 This latter must be the kingdom of Yavadvipa mentioned by the Kambuja ruler as his vassal state. The diplomatic alliance between two states over both of which the Kambuja ruler claims supremacy may not be without signifi- cance. The reign of Indravarman coincides with an obscure period in Javanese history which saw the end of the kingdom of Mataram in Central Java and the shifting of the centre of political authority and Indo-Javancse culture to the eastern part of the island. 2 To what extent, if any, this final abandonment of Central Java was due to the rising power of Kambnja, we cannot say. But it is not unlikely that Kambuja, which suffered at the hands of both Champa and Java towards the close of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth century A.D., now turned against her old enemies and obtained some success. Unfortunately we have no definite know- ledge of these events, Indravarman's claim to supremacy over China is more puzzling, on the face of it, and will be discussed later. Indravarman was a great builder. Ins. No. 54 (v. 7) informs us that immediately after ascending the throne he made a pro- mise (pratijndm krtavdri) that within five days counting from that very day, he would begin the work of construction (prdrapsye khananddikam) . The next verse tells us that he had constructed, according to his own design, a simMsana (royal throne), the vehicle called Indrayana, Indravimanaka, and Indra- prasadaka (probably two palaces), all made of gold (haima) . He 1. Champa, p. 62. 2. Suvarnadvipa, I, pp. 237 ff. 94 KAMBUJA-DESA installed three images of Siva and three of the goddess (Durga), which were works of his own art (svo-silpo-racita, v. 28). His various religious endowments, including temples and images of gods and a big tank called Indratataka, are referred to in other inscriptions. His reign marks an important stage in the deve- lopment of Kambuja art. Parmentier has made a special study of the monuments that may be definitely ascribed to Indravar- man, and in his opinion, the art of Indravarman forms an inter- mediate stage between the Primitive and Classical art of Kambuja. Indravarman ruled for only twelve years (877-889) and received the posthumous title Isvaraloka. He was succeeded by his son Yasovardhana under the name Yasovarman. Yasovarman occupies a place of honour in the history of Kambuja and his name has been immortalised by the foundation of a new capital city, on the top of the hill called Phnom Bakhen, which was at first called Kambupurl and later Yasodharapura. Although this is not the famous city of Angkor Thorn, covered with magnificent ruins, as was firmly believed until recent years, it extended round the hill and included a large part of the present site of Angkor Thorn, and Yasovarman may still be credited as the founder of Angkor, though in a qualified sense. The region round his newly founded capital city remained the heart of Kambuja power and culture till the last day of its greatness. He may be also said to have laid the foun- dation of the Angkor civilisation whose glory and splendour form the most brilliant chapter in the history of Kambuja. Indravarman placed Vamasiva, the grand-nephew of Sivakai- valya, in charge of the education of Yasovarman (No. 151 D. vv. 4-10) . Yasovarman is said to have been fond of 6astras and Kavyas (62 E.D. 1), and a perusal of his inscriptions leaves no doubt that Sanskrit literature, both secular and religious, was highly patronised in his court. These inscriptions are, however, poor in historical material. Reference is made to the numerous military campaigns of the king, including a naval expedition (62 D-B. 19) , and he is said to have reinstated vanquished kings (62C-C. 5) and married their daughters (62C-B. 27). But they do not refer to specific events of his reign. The dominions over which Yasovarman ruled were extensive. On the north it reached the frontiers of China, and on the west, the mountains which form the watershed between the rivers Menam and Salween. The eastern and southern boun- daries were formed respectively by the kingdom of Champa and the sea. THE RISE OF ANGKOR 9$ King Yasovarman has left numerous records (Nos. 60-73), Some of these refer to religious endowments and construction of sanctuaries while others give detailed regulations of the large number of monasteries founded by him. The inscriptions of Yasovarman are distinguished by two pecu- liarities. In the first place one single record (No. 60) is reproduced, in identical words, no less than eleven times. Secondly, the texts of these eleven inscriptions and of another (No. 61) are written twice, once in the ordinary alphabet used in Kambuja in those days, and again in a novel type of alphabet which has a close resem- blance to the North Indian scripts. Further, seven inscriptions are written in this latter alphabet alone. 2a These inscriptions of Yasovarman, in spite of vague generali- ties which they contain, give us many interesting sidelights on the various phases of his internal administration. They hold out a picture of a happy, prosperous and peaceful kingdom ruled over by an able and wise monarch who took all possible measures to ensure the welfare of the kingdom in all its aspects, political, economic, religious and social. The elaborate regulations framed by him give us an insight into the social and religious condition of the time and the earnest effort made by the king to improve it. Making all due allowances for exaggerations of court poets we must regard Yasovarman as a brave general and ideal king, shining equally well in arts of war and peace. Himself a great scholar, he was a patron of art and science. He was liberal in his religious views, and although a devoted follower of Saivism, he patronised Buddhism in an unstinted manner. He was a great king in every sense of the term. Perhaps the court poet did not exaggerate very much when he said that the glory of Yasovarman was sung even after his death, by the people "in their games, on their beds, and in their travels" (No. 70). Yasovarman received the very appro- priate posthumous title of Paramasivaloka. Yasovarman died about 908 A.D. The history of Kambuja during the next twenty years is somewhat obscure and uncertain. We know that two sons of Yasovarman, viz. Har^avarman I and lanavarman II ascended the throne one after another, and next came Jayavarman IV, the husband of the sister of Yasovarman. But the known dates of these kings cannot be easily reconciled with 2a. Nos, 62 avarman, D. 801. Ed. C. 37, K. 809. Mentions Indravarman and his guru ivasorna who learnt Sastras from Sankaracarya. No. 59. Bayang Stele Ins. of Indravarman I. Ed. Co. No. XXXVin, p. 312. K. 14. Dt. Tran Foundation of a temple and two monasteries by the king at Sivapura No. 60. Prah Bat Stele Ins. of Yasovarman, D. 813. Ed. Co. No. XLIV, p. 355. K. 95. Dt. Con Prei. Genealogy of the king Regulations of the monasteries Pious foundations and eulogy of the king. There are ten replicas of this inscription (cf. Co. Nos. XLV LIV. pp. 376-390) which contain identical verses except one which refers to the particular divinity for whom the Ins. is meant. No. 61. Loley Stele Ins. of Yasovarman. Ed. Co. No. LV. p. 391. Royal genealogy as in No. 60, but the eulogy is different. No. 62. (A-F), Six Thnal Baray Stele Ins. of Yasovarman, Ed. Co. Nos. LVI-LX, pp. 420-525; B. XXXII, p. 85 62A Co. LVI; 62 B-Co. LVII; 62CrzCo. LVTII; 62DrzCo. LlX; 62E=Co. LX. 62F. Ed. B. XXXII, p. 85. These six inss. are nearly identical. No. 63 Prasat Komnap Ins. of Yasovarman. Ed. B. XXXII. 88. K. 701. Mostly identical with 62A. Genealogy identical with 61. Regulations of a Vishnuite Asrama. No. 63 A. Tep Pranam Ins. of Yasovarman. Ed. JA, 1908 (1), p. 203; 1908 (2), p. 253. K. 290. Nearly identical with Nos. 62A and 63. No. 64. Bako Door Pillar Ins. D. 813. R.A. II. p. 444. K. 314. Dt. Siem Rap. Donations of Isvaravarman to Isvarasrama. No. 65. Prah Ko Stele Ins. of Yasovarman, D. 815. Ed. C. 28. K. 713. (See No. 54). Donation of Yasovarman to Parame6vara. 150 KAMBTJJA-DESA No, 66, Loley Door Pillar Ins. of Yasovarman, D. 815. Ed. Co. XXXIX-XLH (pp. 324-331). K. 324; 327; 330; 331. No, 67. Phnom Prah Vihara Pillar Ins. D. 815 Ed. Co. LXI, p. 525; K. 382. Dt. Mlu Prei. Mentions king Jayavarman II with 724 as the date of accession and eulogises Sivasakti. No. 68. Phnom Dei Door Pillar Ins. of Yasovarman. D. 815(?). Ed. B. XVIII (9), p. 13. Temple on the summit of ri-Purandara-parvata dedicated to Harihara. No. 69. Phnom Sandak Stele Ins. of Yasovarman, D. 817. Ed. Co. XLIH, p. 331. K. 190. Eulogy of the king and previous kings, particularly Jayavar- man II. Foundations of Somasiva, adhydpaka, nominated by the king. The same date is given in Prasat Prei Kemen Ins. B. XXXIII, p. 1137. No. 70. Phimanakas Door Pillar Ins. of Yasovarman, D, 832. - Ed. Co. No. LXII, p. 545. K. 291. Loc. Angkor Thorn. Construction of a temple of Visnu Records the date of king's death (?) Nos. 71-72. Two Angkor Thorn Inss. of Yasovarman. Ed. B. XXV, pp. 305-9. K. 491, 576. Donations by the king's uncle Jri Samaravikrama. No. 73. Phnom Bay an Ins, of Yasovarman. Ed. C 256. K. 853. Eulogy of Amarabhava, highly esteemeed by the king and appointed by Indravarman as chief of Indrasrama. No. 74. Vat Thipedi Door Pillar Ins. of Isanavarman II. D. 832. Ed. Melange S. Levi, p. 213. R.A. II., p. 379. K. 253. Dt. Siem Rap. It contains two different Inss. A and B. A gives eulogy of Yaso- varman and his two sons, and records the erection of the temple, in 83?, by Sikhasiva, Marginal Text in Khmer records some donations of another person in 834. B. refers to Suryavarman and commemorates the restoration, in 927, of a Hnga, consecrated 95 years ago Sikhasiva, predecessor of a certain Krtlndrapantfita of whom it gives the genealogy, giving a new instance of succession, in female line, of hotars of different kings. (The date 832 may not belong to the reign of Isanavarman II. Cf. JGIS. HI, p. 65) . No. 75. Vihar Kuk (Vat Cakret) Stele Ins. of Harsavarman I. D. 834 (?). Ed. Co. No. LXm, p. 551. R. JGIS. Ill, p. 65. K. 61. Dt. Prei vTen. Donation of the king to Adrivyfidhapuresa (Siva). LIST OP INSCRIPTIONS 15i No. 76. Prasat Thorn (Koh Ker ) Ins. of Jayavarman IV. D. 843. Ed. B. XXXI, p. 13. Co. No. LXIV, p. 555. K. 682. No. 77. Two Koh Ker Inss, D. 843. Ed. B. XXXI, p. 15. K. 682. No. 78. Tuol Pel Ins. of Harsavarman (?) D. 844. Ed. B. XXXI, p. 17. R.A. I. p. 443. JGIS, III. p. 65. K. 164. Dt. Sron. The name of the king is doubtful, but, if correct, it is the Oiil^ Ins. datable in his reign. No. 79. Con Ah Pillar Ins. of Jayavarman IV. D. 844. R.B. XXXI, p. 16; A.I. p. 292. K. *>9. Dt. Thbon Khmum. Order of the king to Prthivindravarman Installation of gods Tribhuvanaikanatha and Campesvara (Krsna ? ) and donations. No. 80. Prasat Neang Khmau Ins. of Jayavarman IV. D. 850. R.A. I, p. 183. K. 35. Dt. Bati. It gives the year 850 as the date of the accession of the king. No. 81. Koh Ker Pillar Ins. of Jayavarman IV. D, 851 (?), 852, 854. Ed. Co. No. LXIV, p. 555. K. 184, 186, 187, 188. No. 82. Prasat Andon Ins. of Jayavarman IV. Ed. C. 61, K. 675. No. 83. Prasat Damrei Ins. of Jayavarman IV. Ed. C. 56. K. 677. No. 83A. Prasat Kok (wrongly described as Prasat Preah Dak) Ins. of Jayavarman IV. R.A. II. p. 419. K. 339. Dt, Siem Rap. Invocation of the three Buddhist Ratnas genealogy of the king from Jayavarman II Conquest of Champa by Jayavarman IV. No. 84, Phnom Bayan Ins. of Harsavarman II. D. 863. d. C. 260. K. 854. Dt. Tonlap. Invocation to Utpannakesvara followed by the eulogy of Jaya- varman IV who appears, from some expressions, to have usurped the throne. The date is one year earlier than that generally assumed for the accession of the king. No. 85. Vat Kdei Car Stele Ins. of Harsavarman II. D. 864. R.A. I. p. 372; B. XV (2), p. 25. K. 157. Dt. Kompon Svay Gives the date of the accession of the king. No. 86. Trapan Samliot Stele Ins. of Rajendravarman, D. 866. R.A. I. p. 165. K. 19. Dt. Tran. Donations. Year of accession. No. 87. Two Prah Put Lo Rock Inss. D. 869. Ed. JA. 1914 (1), pp. 638, 644. R.A. I, p. 426. K. 173-4. Religious aphorisms; eulogy of their authors who were ascetics. No. 88. Prasat Pram Door Pillar Ins, of Rajendravarman D. 869 (Febru- ary, 948 A.D.). 152 KAMBUJA-DE6A Ed. B. XIII (6), p. 17. K. 180. Dt, Kompon Svay. Eulogy of king Jayavarman IV and his two sons. Installation of two lingas by Rudracarya, the teacher of the king, and a pupil of Sivasoma, the famous guru of Indravarmari, No. 89. Baksei Camkron Door Pillar Ins. of Rajendravarman, D. 869. Ed. JA. 1909 (1), p. 467. R.A. IE, p. 80. K. 286. Loc. Mt, Bakheng. It gives the mythical story of the foundation of Kambuja by JJisi Kambu and refers to the kings 6rutavarman, Rudravarraan, Jayavarman II and his successors. No. 89A. Mebon Ins. of Rajendravarman, D. 874. Ed. B. XXV, p. 309. Loc. Near Angkor Thorn. Genealogy and eulogy of Rajendravarman. No. 90. Thvar Kdei Ins. of Rajendravarman. D. 874 (or 871?) and 879. R.A. I, p. 444. K. 165. Dt. Sron. Queen Mahendradevi informs king Rajendravarman of the terri- tories enjoyed by her ancestors in Dvaravati, Sahakara, and other lands. Donations to Campesvara. Invocation to Visnu, called Vasudeva, Hari, Narayana, and Madhvari, identified with Om. No. 91. Phnom Sandak Stele Ins. D, 878. R.A. I, p. 393. K. 102. Dt. Cikren. Royal donations to Sivapura (Phnom Sandak) . No. 92. Bat Cum Ins. of Rajendravarman, D. 882. Ed. JA. 1908 (2), p. 213. R.A. Ill, p. 11. K. 266-8. Dt. Siem Rap. Eulogy of Rajendravarman who embellished Yasodharapurl, deserted for a long time, and destroyed Champa and other foreign kingdoms. Mahayana Buddhist Divinities Eulogy of the Buddhist minister Kavlndrarimthana and his pious foundations. No. 93. Pre Rup Stele Ins. of Rajendravarman, D. 883. Ed. C. 73. K. 806. Dt. Siem Rap. Genealogy of the king. Conquest of Champa by the king. No. 94, Phncm Trap Ins. D. 875, 882, 884. R.A. I. p. 322. K. 94. Dt. Con Prei. Installation of the images of Aja (882) and of Upendra (884). Arrival of Bhadrayogisvara in 875. No. 95, Neak Ta Carek Ins. D. 884. R.A. I, p. 384. K. 181. Dt. Cikren. Judgment of the king against Vlrabhaktigarjita, chief of Vlra- pura, who had removed the boundary and reaped the corn of a field which was granted to another person. The chief was fined 10 ounces of gold. His younger brother, who ordered the reap- ing of corn, and another who instigated the crime were given 102 stripes on their backs. LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS 153 No, 96. Don Tri Ins. of Rajendravarman, D. 888. R. A. II, p. 283. K. 198 Dt. Battambang. Royal order to a number of officers whose names and offices are given Buddhist divinities Paramos varaaya-maitrideva. No. 97. Bantay Srei Ins. of Jayavarman V, D. 890 Ed. C. 147. K. 842. (Almost a replica of K. 619, B. XXVIII. p. 4t> and ot K. 662, B. XXIX, p. 292). Foundation of the temple by Yajnavdrohn, the gut u uf the king Eulogy of Rajendravarman who conquered ChampaEulogy oi the king. No. 98. Tuol Kul Ins. D. 890. R. JGIS, HI, 65, B. XXXV, p. 493. K. 831, Dt. Mon. . Refers to an address presented to I^anavarman IT in 847 aka, the only known date of this king and evidence that he actually ascended the throne. No. 99. Angkor Vat Ins. of Jayavarman V. D, 890. K. 579. Phnom Bakhen Ins. of Jayavaiman V. D 890. K. 464. Identical hi some parts. Ed. B. XXV, p 363. B. XI, p. 3%. Gives the date 890 as the commencement of his reign. No. 100. Bantay Srei Ins. of Jayavarman V. D. 891. Ed. C. 144. K. 570, Foundation of the king to Tribhuvaiiamahesvaia (i.e. Bantay Srei) . No. 101. Bantay Srei Ins. D. 891. Ed. Memoires Arch EFEO Nos. 2, 74. K. 571. No. 102. Kok Svay Prahm Ins. D. 891. Ed. C. 187. K. 848. Dt, Sutnikom. Royal order to the yrdmavrddha and purn^apradlt^'ia of Hari- haralaya. It proves that Svay Prahm which forms pait of the Roluos group was situated in the territory of Hariharalaya. This confirms the view of Coedes (B. XXVIII, p. 121) that Roluos represents Hariharalaya where Jayavarman II lived twice and died, and which was ihe capital of his successors till Yasovarman I founded Yasodharapura on the site of Angkor. No. 103. Prah Einkosi Ins. of Rajendravarman D. 890 and Jayavarman V., D. 892. Ed. Co. No. XIV, p. 77; C. 160. K. 262, 263 (K. 668 Replica) . Dt. Siem Rap. A Refers to Rajendravarman's predecessor, a king of the race of Kaundinya who lived in Aninditapura. B Eulogy of Jayavarman and the diverse foundations of his younger sister Indralaksmi and her husband, the Brahmana Divakarabhatta, a native of the bank of the Yamuna (in India), No. 104. Kok Rosi Ins. of Jayavarman V. D. 891, Ed. B. XXVIII, pp. 113-14. 154 No. 105. Basak Stele Ins. of Rajendravarman. Ed. B. XV (2), p. 22. K. 70. Dt. Romduol. Donation of a chief named Nrpendrayudha, parsvadhara of the king to god Vakakakesvara Refers to the installation by the king of five images at Angkor on the island of Mebon in the centre of Thnal Baray (Eastern) (Yasodhara-tataka). No, 106. Basak Stele Ins. R,B. XV (2), p. 20, K. 71. Religious foundation by Rajakula Mahamantri (minister of Rajendravarman) . No. 107. Srey Santhor Ins, of Jayavarman V. Ed. Revue Archeologique, 1883, pp. 182-192. No. 108. Prasat Komphus Ins. of Jayavarman V. D, 894. Ed. C. 159. K. 669. It is almost a replica of No. 103. No. 109. Prasat Nak Buos Ins. of Jayavarman V. D. 896, R. Co. 381. K. 343. Royal gift to ivapada. No. 110, Phnom Bantay Nan Ins. D. 902, 903. R.A. II, p. 306 (with commentaries of Kern). K. 214. No. 5 above refers to it as Saiva temple under Bhavavarman but this inscription refers to Mahayana Buddhist divinities, on which Kern has commented No. Ill, Prah Einkosi Loss. D. 883, 890, 902, 904, 906, R.A. II, pp. 407-410. (cf. No. 103 above). Foundation in favour of a monastery called Vidyasrama (883 ), Temple of Dwijendrapura (890), Divakarabhatta, priest of this temple, receives donations (902) which are continued (904) and added to (906). Dwijendrapura (Temple of Pi ah Einkosi) inherits parts of the slaves of Vidyasrama. No. 112. Prasat Car Ins. of Jayavarman V. D. 901, 916. R.A. H, p. 387. K. 257. Dt. Siem Raj Installation of various Brahmanical divinities and donations to them by Narapativlravarman. No. 113, Prasat Trapan Con Ins. Ed. B. XXIX, p. 292, Fragmentary; almost identical with No. 114. No, 114. Prasat Sek Ta Tuy Ins. of Jayavarman V. Ed. B. XXVUI, p. 46. R.B. XXIX. p. 291. f.n.l. K. 617. Dt. Cikren. Jayavarman's victory in Champa. Reference to Srlparvata in the Dak^inapatha Religious acts and donations of the royal guru Yajnavaraha. No, 115. Angkor Thorn Ins. 9th Cent. Ed. B. XXIX, p. 343. JA. Vol. CCXX (1932) p. 50. K. 643, Invocations to various forms of Vi$nu and other gods. LIST OP INSCRIPTIONS 155 No. 116. Pon Pra Thvar Grotto Ins 9th or 10th Cent, Ed. B. XL 398. K. 172. Interesting account of a cave No. 117. Prasat Khna Ins. of Udayfidityavarman D. 902, 923, Ed. B. XI, p. 400. K. 356. Dt. Mlu Prei. It definitely proves the existence of the king and gives his date and genealogy showing his relationship with king Jayavar- man V. No 118. Prasam Thorn Ins. of Udayadityavarman D. 923 Ed. C. 50. K. 682. Loc. Koh ker. Royal order about donations to Prthivmarendra and Vlrendrari- mathana. No. 119. Prasat Ak Yom Ins. D. 923. R.B. XXXIII, p. 531. K. 752. Dt. Puok It proves that the 'Western Baray' beneath which the stone was interred, was excavated after 923. No, 120. Sambor Ins. D. 923. Ed. B. XXVIII, p. 142. R.A. I, p 307. K. 125. Dt. Kraceh. It definitely locates Sambhu-pura, famous since the sixth cen- tury. It may refer to Udayadityavarman I or iSuryavarman. No. 121. Stun Crap Ins. of Jayaviravarmadeva D. 925, R.B. XXXIV, p. 423, B. XXXI, p, 620 K. 693. Dt. Battambang. Application of Brahmaputra claiming a foundation made by his ancestor Panditankura Acarya Dharmadhipati before the time of Ysovarman. The judgment of the king in favour of the claimant There is an image of Yama (Dharmadhipati). No. 122 Tuol Prasat Ins. of Jayaviravarman D 925. R.A. I, pp. 379-381. B. XXXIV, p. 423; K. 158. Dt. Kampon Svay. GivQs the date 924 for Jayavarman and 925 for Jayaviravarman living in Jayendranagarl Refers to donations made by many previous kings. No. 123. Prasat Kok Po Inscription of Jayavarman D. 900, 906, (also dates 901, 926) . Ed. B. XXXVII, p. 379. K. 255. 256, 814. No. 124. Prah Ko Ins. of Jayaviravarman D. 927. Ed. C. 189. K. 717. Dt. Sutnikom, Sikhasiva's grandson Vinaya, a Professor, obtained favour from the king. It proves that Jayaviravarman was different from Suryavarman gives the date of accession of Jayavarman IV (850) and Rajendravarman (866). No. 125. Prasat Dambauk Khpos Ins. of Jayaviravarman D. 927. R.A. I., p. 420; B. XXXIV, p. 423. K. 196. No, 126. Roban Romas Ins. of Suryavarman I. D. 923. R.B. XXXIV, p. 422. K, 153. Dt. Kompon Svay, Donation of SomeSvara Pandita. KAMBUJA-DE6A No, 127. Prasat Tapan Run Ins. D. 924 (or 934|). R.B. XXXIV, p, 422. K. 705. Dt. Kompon Svay. No. 128. Prah Nan Ins. of Suryavarman I. D. 924. R.A. I, p. 328. K. 89. The king founded Bhadresvarasrama for the gods Liiigapura and Lingasodhana. It was consecrated by 6ri Prathivindra Panijita of the country of Ramani Donations to dcdryas living in the monastery Refers to the hereditary governor of Bhava- pura deified statue of Jayavarman II god Jalangesvara, No. 129. Tuol Don Srei Ins, of Suryavarman I. D. 924. R.B. XXXIV, p. 427; XXXV, p. 493. K. 834. Dt. Baray, Kompon Thorn. Refeis to a war of 9 years by Suryavarman who became king in 924. Gives the history of a family of royal officials since the reign of Jayavarman II. No, 130. Tep Pranam Ins. of Suryavarman I. D. 927. R.A. HI, p. 112. K. 290. No. 131. Vat Phu Ins. of Suryavarman I. D. 928 R.B. XXXIII (531). K. 720. Dt. Bassac. No. 132. Prasat Trapan Ins. of Jayaviravarman D. 928. Ed. B. XXVin, p, 58. K. 598. Dt. Sutnikom. Donation to a temple (Vaisnava) of land in Amnditapura genealogy of Pancagavya or Kavindra-pandita who founded the temple and whose ancestors served the kin^s from Jayavarman II It fixes the location of Amnditapura (p. 61). No. 133. Phnom Prah Net Prah Ins. of Jayavivavarman D. 927-29. R.A. II, p. 322. B. XXXIV, p. 423. K. 216. Dt. Battnmbang. Order of the king (927) foundations at Sivapada or aivapada (928); a royal order (king not named) in 929. No. 134. Phnom Sanke Kon Ins. of Suryavarman I. D. 928, 929, R.A. II, p. 246. B. XXXIV, p. 424. K. 232. Dt. Krabin (Siam) Royal order about a donation. No. 136. Phimanaka Inscriptions of Suryavarman I, D. 933, R.A. II, p. 233. K. 342. Dt. Mlu Prei. Royal donations. No. 136. Phimanaka Inscriptions of Suryavarman I, D. 933. Ed. B. XHI (6), p. 11. K. 292. Loc. Angkor Thorn. Eight Inss. on the pillars of Gopura leading to the interior of the royal palace at Angkor Thorn, reproducing, in identical terms, the formula of oath pronounced by certain officials of the court of the king. Two other replicas of the same. R.B. XIII (6), p. 12. No. 137. Inscriptions of Bantay Srei D. 933. Ed. Memoir Arch. EFEO, I. Nos. 3, 4, p. 77. K, 569, 572. For other Ins. K. 573-575, cf, Ibid, Nos. 8, 7, 6, LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS 157 No. 138. Phnom Cisor Ins. of Suryavarman I. D. 937, 939, 941. R.A. I, pp. 191-92. K. 33, 31. Dt. Bati. Foundation of monasteries called Yogendralaya and Yogendra- pura god Vrddhesvara. No. 139. Lopburi (Siam) Ins. of Suryavarman I. D. 944, 947. R.A. II, p. 81. K, 410. Royal regulations Religious institutions must ofter to the king merits of their austerity those disturbing them to be punished. No. 140. Prasat Ben Ins, of Suryavarman I D. 948. R.A. II, pp. 351-52. K. 230. Di. Sisophon. Royal orders . No. 141. Vat Ek. Ins D. 949. R.A. II t p. 301. K. 211. Dt. BattamWig. Donations of Yogisvarapandita of Vyadhapura No. 142. Ta Nen Ins. of Suryavarman I D. 949. R.A. II, p. 302. K. 212. Dt. Battambang. Royal order to Sri Gaurisvarapandita o the country of Siva- gupta concerning foui asramas (named Yoglsvar-alaya, avasa etc.). No. 143. Prnc at Sek Ta Tuy In.,, of Suryavarman I, D. 961. Ed. B. XXVIII, p. 56. K. 618. Dt Cikren. No, 144. Prasrt Khna Ins. oi Suryavarman I. D. 9G3. Ed C. 195. K. 660. Dt. Mul Prei. Donation to Sakabrahmrna, by brother of the queen Vlra- Laksmi. No. 145. Four Baset Inss. D. 958, 964. R.A. II, pp. 294-95. K. 205-207. Dt. Battambang. Donation to Jayaksetra by Gunapativarman. No. 146. Phnom Pra Vihar Ins. of Suryavarman I. D. 948, 949, 960, 963, 969. R.A. II, pp. 208-9. Co. p. 527. K. 380, 381, 382. God Sri Sikharesvara and Sri Vrddhesvara. No. 147. Phnom Sandak Ins. of Suryavarman I. D 963, 971. R.A. I, p. 394. K. 195. Dt. Cikren. Royal orders. No. 148. Prasat Kev. Ins. of Suryavarman I. Ed. Co. No. XV, p. 97. K. 275-278. Dt. Siem Rap. Eulogy of the king and donations of Sivacarya, descendant of Jayavannan II (?) No. 149, Prah Khan. Ins. of Suryavarman I. Ed. B. IV, p. 672. K. 161. Dt. Kompon Svay> Gives 924 as the date of accession of the king who was versed m different s&stras, 158 KAMBUJA-DE*A No. 150. Prasat Roluh (Sisophon) Ins. of Udayadityavarman II. D. 971. 972. R.A. II, p. 326-7. K. 219. The king ascended the throne in 971. In 972 granted in perpe- tuity the country of Stuk Rman (the family of its possessors having all died) to Sri Jayendrapandita. No. 151. Sdok Kak Thorn Ins. of Udayadityavarman II, D. 974. Ed. B. XV (2), p. 53. K. 235. Dt. Krabin (Siam). The foundations of a family whose members (through mothers) were hereditary royal priests and great priests of Devaraja from the time of Jayavarman II to that of Suryavarman I. No. 152. Phun Da (Kompon Chnan) Ins. D. 976. Ed. JA. 1882 (1), p. l 208. R A. L p 362. K. 139. Installation of a ^ivaliiiga by an ascetic, named Jnanapriya Aryamaitrin Mystic philosophy of the Upanishads. No, 153. Prah Nok Ins. D. 988. Ed. Co. No. XVIII, p. 140. K. 289. Dt. Siem Rap. Records the victory and pious foundations of Senapati Sangrama (details of his various campaigns) genealogy of the donor con- taining names of various kings served by his ancestors. No. 154. Prasat Prah Khset (Siem Rap) Ins. of Udayarkavarman D. 988, 989. Ed. Co. No, XIX, p. 173. K. 237. Restoration of a linga by Sarhkarsha, son of the king's sister, in 988, to which was added in 989 the images of Brahma, Visnu and Buddha the previous history of the linga (given by Suryavar- man. broken by Kambu in course of a fight mentioned in No. 153) . No. 154A. Prasat Khna Ins. of Udayadityavarman II, D. 982, Ed. C. 198. K. 661. Dt. Mul Prei. Royal donation to golden Laksmi Eulogy of Suryavarman Refers to Jayendra-Pandita and Kavlndra-Pandita. No, 155. Palhal (Battambang) Ins. of Harsavarman III. D. 991. Ed. B. XIH (6), p. 27. K. 449. Installation of Tribhuvanesvara by two persons whose genealogy is given in detail. Perhaps they belonged to the family of Sangrama mentioned in No. 153. The members of this Brah- mana family were elephant driver, concubine of the king, arti- sans and priests. It shows that the Brahmanas of Kambuja did not scrupulously follow the rules of caste, No. 156. Prasat Sralau Ins. of Harsavarman III. D. 987, 993. Ed. C. 221. K. 782. Dt. Puok. Eulogy of Harsavarman who became king in 987 Restoration of a town founded by Jayavarman and abandoned by Udayaditya- varman mentions Suryavarman'js queen Installation of linga and images of Visnu and Siva. LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS 15d No. 157. San Sung Ins. 10th Cent. Ed. Recueil des inscriptions du Siam (Coedes) II. No. 20, 25. Loc. Lopburi (Siam). No. 158. Lonvek Ins. of Harsavarman III. Ed. Co. XVH, p. 122. K. 136. Dt. Lonvek. Donations by the members of a family, called Saptadevakuia; one of them ankarapandita was the priest of three kings Suryavarman, Udayadityavarman arid Ilarsavarmdn, No. 159. Samror Ins. of Harsavarman III. D. 1011. R.B. XXIX, p. 299; A. II, p. 391. No. 160. Noin Van Ins. ol Jayavarman VI. D. 100 i. R.B. XXIX, p. 298-9. A. II, p. 111. No. 161. Prasat Kok Po Ins. of Jayavarman VI, D. 10LS. Ed. B. XXXVII, p. 413. K. 814. Dt. Puok, Hoyal donation. No. 162. Phnon Bayan Ins. of Dharanldravarman 1. D 1029. Ed. C, 267. K. 852. Dt. Tonlap. Installation by the king of the ^od of Bhadresvarasrama An unpublished Ins. irom Pimoni Sanciak (K. 191) shows that 1029 Saka was the date of kmg'b accession (C. 267). No. 163. Prasat Trau Ins of Dharaniiidravarman I. D. 10*1, R.A. II, p. 377. K. 249. Dt biem Rap. Religious foundation oi a private tamily. No. 164. Phimai Ins. Dated 1031. 1034. R.A. II, 122. K. 397. Loc. Rajasima (Siam) , No. 165. Vat Phu Ins. of Suryavarman II. D. 1035, 1001. R.B. XXIX, p. 303. K. 366. It gives the date oi accession c-i buiyavarnian II (1035) who united the two portions of the kingdom. No. 166. Phnom Cisor Ins. of Suryavarman II. D 1038. R.A. I, p. 192. K. 32. Dt. Bati. Donation by an ascetic to god of Suryapaivata. No. 167. Phnom Sandak Ins. of Suryavarman II. D. 1041. R.A. I, p. 395. K. 194. Dt. Cikren. Genealogy of a royal priestly family; mentions Jayavarman V, Udayadityavarman (ace. 971), and the next three kings who were consecrated by Divakarapandita Suryavarman's relation with his predecessors Accomplishments ot the young king perfor- mance of kotlhoma etc., by Divakarapandita. No. 168. Phnom Pra Vihar Ins. of Suryavarman II, D. 1040, 1041, 1043. R.A. II, p. 213. K. 383. Dt. Mlu Prei. The substance is nearly the same as that of the preceding one No. 167. viz., details of Divakarapandita, No. 169. Trapan Don On Ins. of Suryavarman II > 1048. R.A. H,-p. 380. K. 254. Dt. Siem Rap. X" KAMBUJA-DE&A It gives the posthumous names of 3 kings; Harasavarman II Sadasivapada, Jayavarman VI Paramakaivalyapada, Dhara- nindravarman I Paramanishkalapada. Various religious donations to god of Lirigapura. Refers to Divakarapandita. No, 170. Vat Phu (Bassak) Ins. D. 1058. Ed. B. XV (2), p. 107. K. 475. Donations of Mulasutra and his father, of the country of Bhadre- svaraspada, of the Corporation of workers of Sres^hapura visaya, to the god of Lingapura, called JLingapurasrama: various dona- tions to the temple of Vat Phu dated 1024, 1026, 1034, 1044, 1049, and 1061 are mentioned in another Ins. K. 366 (A. II. p. 163). 'The temple was dedicated to Bhadresvara (Siva), though refer- ence is also made to the installation of Visnu No. 171. Ban That (Bassac) Ins. of Suryavarman II. Ed. B. XII (2). K. 364. Long eulogy of kings Jayavarman VI, Dharamridravarman I and Suryavarman II by a ??iuni who was hereditary priest of the lingo, installed on mount Bhadresvara. No. 172. Phnom Run Ins. of Suryavarman II. R.B. XXIX, p. 300. K. 384. No. 173. Prasat Cikren Ins. Ed. B. XV (2). pp. 19-20. K. 417. Dt. Cikren. Buddhist; donation to Lokesvara by Uma, a daughter of Sangrama, of glorious exploits, and wife of Maharsi ri Mahidharavarman. Nos, 174-175. Two Phnom Svan Inss, one D. 1088. R.B. XXIX, p. 304. No. 176. Xaiya Buddha Image Ins. D. 1100 (?) . Ed. B. XVIII (6), p. 33. K. 504. , The date is written as 11006 Refeis to Maharaja Trailokya- rajamaulibhusanavarmmadeva, and Mahasenapali Galanai who governed Grahi, which may be identified with Kia-lo-hi (See Suvarnadvipa, pp. 194-95). No. 177. Ta Prohm Ins, of Jayavarman VII, D. 1108. Ed. B. VI, p. 44. K, 273. Genealogy of the king, his eulogy, and a series of religious foundations. No. 178. Sayfong Ins. of Jayavarman VII. D. 1108. Ed. B. Ill, p. 18. K. 368. Dt. Vien chang (Laos,* . For its 8 or 9 replicas cf. B. Ill, p. 460. Mahayana Buddhist invocation Eulogy of the king who ascended the throne in 1104r Personnel and furniture of the hospital Regulations. No. 179. Prasat Tor Ins. of Jayavarman VII, D. 1111 (or 1117) . Ed. C, 227, K, 692, Dt. Siem Rep. LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS 163 Bhuoendrapanclita, the donor, and his family serving three preceding kings Genealogy of the donor Installation by the king of a golden image of his mntornal grandfather Harsa- varman III Construction of a w?Hdr, surrounded by asrama victory against the Chams and a king of the west. No ISO Angkor Thorn (Prasat Crun) Ins. of Jayavarman VII K B. XXVIII, p 86; XXIX, p. 306. K. 507. Refeis* to the construction of Bayon :,nd Angkor Thorn by the ^ -United Champa with Kamhuj-* K> 181 Phimanaka Ins of Jayavarman VII. Ed. B. XXV, p. 372; XXIX, p 319. K. 485 Religious foundation of Indradevf. No 182 Bantriy Chrrsar ins. of Yasovarman. Ed. B. XXIX. p 303, R.A. U, p. 344. K. 226-227. Long description of a fight between Yasovarman and a king of Chtiiiipa namod 61 1 Jaya Indravuiman. commemorates the heroic achievements of Sri Srindrakumara and his deification. No 1S3. Phimanaka Bilingual Ins. (12ih century) . Ed. B. XVIII (9), p 9. K. 484. Dt. Siem Rap Stanza praying for the preservation of the Buddhist tree (Asvattha), identified with Brahmanical gods, against destruc- tion and from all damages. No 184. Angkor Thorn Ins. D. 1217 ( 9 ) Ed. B XXV, p. 393. K, 488, Refers to Jayavunnan, Sii-Si indravarman and his queen. No. 185 Kok Svay Chek Pah Ins. of 6rmdi-avarman D 1230 Ed B. XXXVI, p. 14. Dt. Puok. It is the oldest Pali Ins. It extends the known regnal period of the king by one year. No. 186 Marigalarthu Temple Ins. of Srmdrajayavarman Ed. B. XXV, p 393; Loc Angkor Thorn It gives the list of kings who succeeded Jayavarman VII. No 187 Angkor Vat Iris, of Jayavarmadiparamesvara. Ed. Co No. LXV, p. 560. K. 300. Royal donations Brahmana Sarvajnamuni, who came from Aryadesa (India). N.B -Three early inscriptions of Fu-nan, not included in this list, are discussed in the text, pp. 33-4, 40-42. INDEX Agastya, 91, 108. Alavirastra, 10, 89, 102. Amoghapura, 56, 60. Ang Duong, 142. Angkor, 14. Angkor Thorn, 94, 135 ff. Angkor Vat, 135 ff. Aninditapura, 69 ff., 75, 92. Annamites, 8, 123 ff., 131, 142 Arab accounts, 90. Art, 42, 135 ff. Arthasastra, 58, 59, 64. Aryadesa, 88, 92, 108. Asoka, 134. Asrama, 109 ff. Austric, 5. Austro-Asiatic, 4, 5. Austronesian, 5. Avalokitesvara, 9, Ayuthia, 142. B Baladitya, 69 ff., 98. Ba-phuon, 132. Bayon, 135 ff. Bhagavatas, 41. Bhavavarman I, 46 ff, Bhavavarman II, 53 ff. Bhimapura, 56, 60 Buddhism, 9, 40, 63, 110 if., 117. Burma, 3, 7, 9, 16, 42, 103, 131 ff., 141. Castes, 42. Champa (Chams) 4-7, 30 ff., 55 ff., 82, 93 ff., 99 ff., 104, 119 ff.. 123 ff., 127 ff. Chandragupta, Hindu monk, 9. Chantan, 30. Ch'e-li-to-pa-mo, 31. Chen-la, 35. Cheu Ta-kuan, 141. 91 China, 10 ff., 31 ff, 93 ff, 101 ff.. Embassy to and from, 27 ff, 56, 68. 122, 140-41. Citrasena, 34, 47 ff. D Devaraja, 77, 87, 108 Dhanapatigrama, 130. Dharanindradevi, 85. Dharanlndravarman I, 122 ff. Dharamndravanmu II, 125, 135 Dharmavardhana, 85 Divakarabhatta, 108. Divakarapandita, 122 ff Dvaravati, 56. Fan Chan, 27-8. Fan Chang, 28 Fan-chc-man, 27, 42. Fan Siun, 29, 30 Fu-nan, 17., vassal states of, 27, 42; India and, 28-9: description of, 25; Buddhist monks in China from, 33; name of, 25\; manners and customs, 36 ff.; art of, 42-3; fall of, 34, 48 G Gandhara, 9. Gauda, 109. Gunadhya, 106. Gunavarman, 33, 40, 41. Gupta, 43. H Haripunjaya, 10, 102. Harsavarman I, 95 ff, 116. Harsavarman II, 97 ff. Harsavarman III, 120 ff,125. Hiranyadama, 77 ff. Hiranyavarman, 122. Hiuen Tsang, 15, 56, 58. 164 KAMBUJA DESA Horasastra, 106. Huen Pan-huang, 26-7. Huen-tien (See Kaundinya), Indradevl, 91. Indraditya, 141. Indravarman I, 78, 91 ff., 116. Indravarman II, 140, fsanapura, 16. fsanasena, 34. isanavarman I, 16, 47 ff., 66, 116. Isanavarman II, 95 ff. Java, 73-4, 93. Jayadevi, 98 ff. Jayavarman (of Fu-nan), 31-3, 41. Jayavarman I, 56 ff., 72, 75. Jayavarman n, 75 ff., comes from Java, 79; changes his capitals 79 ff; religion of, 86; architecture, 86 ff; date of, 82 ff. Jayavarmam III, 84, 89 ff. Jayavarman IV, 95 ff. Jayavarman V, 100, 115. Jayavarman VI, 121 ff. Jayavarman VII, 125 ff: conquest of Champa and Pagan, 128-31; deification of his mother, 132; hospitals, 133. Jayavarman VIII, 140. Jayavarma-Paramesvara, 141. Jayavlravarman, 115 ff. Jayendra, 72 79. Jayendradhipativarman, 79. Jayendrapantfita, 120. Jyestharya, 72, 79, 85. K Kalidasa, 106. Kambu, 45 ff., 85. Kambuja-Laksmi, 85. Kambuja-raja-Laksmi, 50, 108. Kambu-puri, 85, 94. K'ang Tai, 29-30. Kaundinya, 18 ff., 26 ff., 35 ff., 69, 72, 85, 98. Second Kaurwjinya, 31, 36. Kautilya, 58-9. Khmer, 4-7, 14, 15. Khmera-rastra, 10, 103. Kia-sing-li, 28, 36. Kieu-cheu-lo, 32. Kirtipandita, 100. Koh Ker, 96 ff. Kongavarman, 57. Kosambi, 10, 104. Kublai Khan, 141. KulaprabhavatI, 33, 42. Laos, 133, 142. Literature (Sanskrit), 64, 105 ff., 117, 120. M MadhyadeSa, 119. Mahabharata, 63, 107. Mahabhasya, 106. Mahendradev!, 98 ff. Mahendraparvata, 80, 83. Mahendravarman, 98 ff. Mahendravarman (Citrasena), 47 ff. Mahipativarman, 91 ff. Malay (People), 4-7. Malay Peninsula. 3, 4, 16 ff., 42, 73, 116, 132. Mandrasena, 33. Manu, 106. Mayura, 106. Mei Hiuan-Cheng, 68. Mekong, 11 ff. Meu-lun, 29. Mithila, 9, 102. Mon, 4, 7, 15. Mon-Khmer, 4, 15. Murun^a, 29. N Nagasena, 31-2. Nan-chao, 8 ff., 101 ff. Nrpaditya, 71. Nrpatindravarman, 69, 76, 91. Nrpendradevi, 72, 79, 91. Pagan, 131-2. Pallavas, 19 ff, INDEX 165 Panini, 88, 106. Fan-pan, 27. Parakramabahu, 132. Pasupata, 111. Pavitra, 76, 85. Prakasadharma, 47, 56. Pravarasena, 106. Prthivlndravarman, 78, 91. Puskaraksa, 68, 70 ff., 75-6. Rajendravarman, 69 ff., 91 ff., 98 ff. Ramayana, 63, 107. Ram Kahmeng, 141. Rudravarman, 33-4, 41, 47 ff., 51, 75. gailendra, 73 if., 104. Sambhupura, 69 ff., 75, 79, 92. jSambhuvarman, 7 1 . Sanghapala (Sanghavarman) , 33. Sangrama, 118. Sanjak, 126. Sanjaya, 73. Sankaracarya, 108-9. Sankarapandita, 120. Sarasvati, 69, 98. Sarvabhauma, 51 ff. Sarvajnamuni, 108 Shan (tribe and states), 10 Siam, 42, 103, 116, 142. Siva, 61 ff., 107, 110 ff. Sivakaivalya, 77 ff., 86 ff. Sivasoma, 108-9. Soma, 69, 72, 85, 98. Sresthavarman, 45 ff., 49 ff. Srindrajayavarman, 141. Srmdrakumara, 126. Srmdraloka, 79. Srlndravarman, 140-1. Srutavarman, 45 ff., 49 ff. Sukhodaya, 103, 141-2. Sumatra, 73. Suryavarmadeva Prince Sri-Vidyanandana, 128 ff. Suryavarman I, 115 ff Suryavarman II, 121 ff., 135. Susruta, 106. Suvarnagrama, 10, 102. Su-Wu, 28. Takkola, 28. Talaings, 7. Tantras, 87 ff. Tao Huang, 30, Ta Prohm (temple), 132. Ta-tsin, 9. Thai, 5 ff., 66. 102 if, 133, 141 ff, Tibcto -Bur mans, 7, 8. Tribhuvanadityavarman, 127. Tuen-suin, 21-2. U Udayadityavarman I, 49, 115 ff. Udayadityavarman II, 118 ff., 135. Unmargasila, 10, 103. Upaveda, 40-1. Vaisnava (see Visnu) 110 ff. Vatsyayana, 106. Veda, 40, 41, 64, 106, 108 Vedaiiga, 40, 41, 64, 108 Vedanta, 106. Videha-rajya, 8, Viravarman, 46 ff, 51 ff. Visalaksa, 106. Visnu, 41, 62, 107. Vyadhapura, 69 ff. Vyasa, 111. Yasodharapura, 94, 99. Yasovarman I, 69 ff., 78, 94 ff., 105 ff; 135. Yasovarman II, 125 ff., 135. Yavanas, 8. Yonaka-rastra, 10, 103. Yu-che, 28. Yunnan, 8 ff., 66. Z Zabag, 74,